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LIBRARY 
l^JfY  OF  C  i.if-ORNIA 


LIBRARY  OF  CONGRESS 


REPORT 


ON 


'The  Star- Spangled  Banner 
'Hail  Columbia" 

"  America" 
'Yankee   Doodle'1 


COMPILED  BY 

OSCAR  GEORGE  THEODORE  SONNECK 

CHIEF  OF  THE  DIVISON  OF  MUSIC 


WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT  PRINTING  OFFICE 
1 909 


L.  C.  card,  9-35010 


Music 
Library 


CONTENTS 


PREFACE. 

"THE  STAR-SPANGLED  BANNER." 

"HAIL  COLUMBIA." 

"AMERICA." 

"YANKEE  DOODLE."      ... 

LITERATURE  USED  FOR  THIS  REPORT 

APPENDIX:  ILLUSTRATIONS 

INDEX 


Page 
5 

7-42 

43-72 

73-78 

79-156 

157-164 

165-248 

249-255 


PREFATORY  NOTE 


In  December,  1907,  I  received  instructions  from  the  Librarian 
of  Congress  to  "bring  together  the  various  versions  both  of 
text  and  of  music  with  notes  as  to  the  historical  evolution" 
of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  "Hail  Columbia,"  "America," 
and  "Yankee  Doodle."  The  report  was  to  be  brief  and  light  of 
touch,  but  accurate  enough  for  practical  purposes.  This  task 
would  have  been  comparatively  easy  had  the  literature  on  the  sub- 
ject been  reliable.  Unfortunately  it  crumbled  under  the  slightest 
critical  pressure,  and  it  became  imperative  to  devote  more  research 
and  more  analytical  and  synthetic  thought  to  the  report  than  had 
seemed  advisable  at  first.  This  and  the  fact  that  the  report  had  to 
be  compiled  without  neglect  of  current  duties  accounts  for  the  delay 
in  submitting  it. 

In  form  the  report  is  frankly  not  a  history  of  the  subject,  such  as 
one  would  write  for  popular  consumption.  Rather,  in  this  report 
data  are  collected,  eliminated,  or  verified;  popular  theories  founded 
on  these  data  are  analyzed,  their  refutation  or  acceptance  is  sug- 
gested, and,  of  course,  some  theories  of  my  own  are  offered  for  critical 
consideration.  All  this  is  done  in  such  a  form  that  the  reader  is  at 
no  step  supposed  to  find  a  locked  door  between  himself  and  the  argu- 
ment. He  is  not  supposed  to  accept  a  single  statement  of  fact  or 
argument  unless  the  evidence  submitted  compels  him  to  do  so.  This 
plein  air  treatment  of  a  popular  theme  distinguishes  the  report  some- 
what from  the  bulk  of  the  literature  on  the  subject.  In  short,  though 
not  intended  for  popular  consumption,  it  may  be  used  for  popular 
consumption  with  reasonable  assurance  of  accuracy. 

0.  G.  SONNECK 
Chief,  Music  Division 

HERBERT  PUTNAM 

Librarian  of  Congress 

Washington,  D.  C.,  August,  1909 


y  ) 

THE  STAR-SPANGLED  BANNER 


Opinions  differ  widely  on  the  merits  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner" 
as  a  national  song.  Some  critics  fail  to  see  in  Francis  Scott  Key's 
inspired  lines  poetry  of  more  than  patriotic  value.  Some  look  upon 
it  merely  as  a  flag  song,  a  military  song,  but  not  as  a  national  hymn. 
Some  criticize  the  melody  for  its  excessive  range,  but  others  see  no 
defects  in  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  and  feel  not  less  enthusiastic 
over  its  esthetic  merits  as  a  national  song  than  over  its  sincere  patri- 
otic sentiment.  This  controversy  will  be  decided,  whether  rightly  or 
wrongly,  by  the  American  people  regardless  of  critical  analysis,  leg- 
islative acts,  or  naive  efforts  to  create  national  songs  by  prize  com- 
petition. This  report  does  not  concern  itself  at  all  with  such  quasi 
esthetic  problems,  nor  is  it  here  the  place  to  trace  the  political  history 
of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  beyond  what  is  necessary  for  the 
understanding  of  its  history  as  a  national  song. 

As  has  been  well  known  for  a  long  time,  the  first  though  brief 
account  of  the  origin  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  appeared  in  the 
Baltimore  American  on  September  21,  1814,  under  the  heading  of: 

DEFENCE    OF  FORT  M  'HENRY. 

The  annexed  song  was  composed  under  the  following  circumstances:  A  gentle- 
man had  left  Baltimore,  in  a  flag  of  truce  for  the  purpose  of  getting  released  from 
the  British  fleet  a  friend  of  his  who  had  been  captured  at  Marlborough.  He  went 
as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Patuxent,  and  was  not  permitted  to  return  lest  the 
intended  attack  on  Baltimore  should  be  disclosed.  He  was  therefore  brought 
up  the  Bay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Patapsco,  where  the  flag  vessel  was  kept  under 
the  guns  of  a  frigate,  and  he  was  compelled  to  witness  the  bombardment  of  Fort 
M  'Henry,  which  the  Admiral  had  boasted  that  he  would  carry  in  a  few  hours,  and 
that  the  city  must  fall.  He  watched  the  flag  at  the  fort  through  the  whole  day 
with  an  anxiety  that  can  be  better  felt  than  described,  until  the  night  prevented 
him  from  seeing  it.  In  the  night  he  watched  the  Bomb  Shells,  and  at  early 
dawn  his  eye  was  again  greeted  by  the  proudly  waving  flag  of  his  country. 

This  account  is  followed  by  the  text  of  Key's  poem  without  special 
title,  but  with  the  indication:  "Tune:  Anacreon  in  Heaven." 

As  this  account  was  printed  almost  immediately  after  the  events 
therein  described  took  place,  and  were  in  every  reader's  memory,  the 
newspaper  editor,  of  course,  omitted  specific  dates,  but  it  is  a  matter 
of  history  that  the  gallant  defense  of  Fort  McHenry  under  Major 
Armistead  began  on  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  September  13,  and 
lasted  until  the  early  hours  of  September  14,  1814.  The  gentleman 

7 


8  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

is,  of  course,  Francis  Scott  Key,  and  either  his  own  modesty  or  an 
editorial  whim  kept  his  authorship  from  the  public. 

The  first  detailed  and  authentic  account  of  the  origin  of  "The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner"  practically  came  from  Francis  Scott  Key  himself, 
who  narrated  it  shortly  after  the  British  designs  on  Baltimore  failed, 
to  his  brother-in-law,  Mr.  R.  B.  Taney,  subsequently  Chief  Justice  of 
our  Supreme  Court.  When  in  1856  Mr.  Henry  V.  D.  Jones  edited 
the  "  Poems  of  the  Late  Francis  S.  Key,  Esq.  .  .  ."  (New  York,  1857), 
Chief  Justice  Taney  contributed  Key's  version  from  memory,  in  an 
introductory  "  letter  .  .  .  narrating  the  incidents  connected  with  the 
origin  of  the  song  'The  Star-Spangled  Banner.'"  This  interesting 
narrative  has  been  made  the  basis  of  all  subsequent  accounts.  Its 
substance  is  this:  When,  after  the  battle  of  Bladensburg,  the  main 
body  of  the  British  army  had  passed  through  the  town  of  Upper 
Marlborough,  some  stragglers,  who  had  left  the  ranks  to  plunder  or 
from  some  other  motive,  made  their  appearance  from  time  to  time, 
singly  or  in  small  squads,  and  a  Doctor  Beanes,  who  had  previously 
been  very  hospitable  to  the  British  officers  "put  himself  at  the  head 
of  a  small  body  of  citizens  to  pursue  and  make  prisoners"  of  the 
stragglers.  Information  of  this  proceeding  reached  the  British  and 
Doctor  Beanes  was  promptly  seized.  The  British  "did  not  seem  to 
regard  him,  and  certainly  did  not  treat  him,  as  a  prisoner  of  war, 
but  as  one  who  had  deceived  and  broken  his  faith  to  them."  Doctor 
Beanes  was  the  leading  physician  of  his  town  and  so  highly  respected 
that  the  news  of  his  imprisonment  filled  his  friends  with  alarm.  They 
"hastened  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  English  army  to  solicit  his 
release,  but  it  was  peremptorily  refused,"  and  they  were  informed 
that  he  had  been  carried  as  a  prisoner  on  board  the  fleet.  Francis 
Scott  Key  happened  also  to  be  one  of  the  Doctor's  intimate  friends, 
and  as  Mr.  Key,  just  then  a  volunteer  in  Major  Peter's  Light  Artil- 
lery, but  a  lawyer  by  profession,  was  a  resident  of  Georgetown,  which 
means  practically  Washington,  the  other  friends  requested  him — 

to  obtain  the  sanction  of  the  government  to  his  going  on  board  the  admiral's  ship 
under  a  flag  of  truce  and  endeavoring  to  procure  the  release  of  Dr.  Beanes,  before 
the  fleet  sailed. 

.  .  .  Mr.  Key  readily  agreed  to  undertake  the  mission  in  his  favor,  and  the  Presi- 
dent [Madison]  promptly  gave  his  sanction  to  it.  Orders  were  immediately  issued 
to  the  vessel  usually  employed  as  a  cartel  [the  Minden]  in  the  communications 
with  the  fleet  in  the  Chesapeake  to  be  made  ready  without  delay;  and  Mr.  John  S. 
Skinner,  who  was  agent  for  the  government  for  flags  of  truce  and  exchange  of  pris- 
oners, and  who  was  well  known  as  such  to  the  officers  of  the  fleet,  was  directed  to 
accompany  Mr.  Key.  And  as  soon  as  the  arrangements  were  made,  he  hastened  to 
Baltimore,  where  the  vessel  was,  to  embark;  .  .  . 

We  heard  nothing  from  him  until  the  enemy  retreated  from  Baltimore,  which, 
as  well  as  I  can  now  recollect,  was  a  week  or  ten  days  after  he  left  us;  and  we  were 
becoming  uneasy  about  him,  when,  to  our  great  joy,  he  made  his  appearance  at  my 
house,  on  his  way  to  join  his  family. 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  9 

He  told  me  that  he  found  the  British  fleet,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac,  prepar- 
ing for  the  expedition  against  Baltimore.  He  was  courteously  received  by  Ad- 
miral Cochrane,  and  the  officers  of  the  army,  as  well  as  the  navy.  But  when  he 
made  known  his  business,  his  application  was  received  so  coldly,  that  he  feared  he 
would  fail.  General  Ross  and  Admiral  Cockburn — who  accompanied  the  expedi- 
tion to  Washington — particularly  the  latter,  spoke  of  Dr.  Beanes,  in  very  harsh 
terms,  and  seemed  at  first  not  disposed' to  release  him.  It,  however,  happened, 
fortunately,  that  Mr.  Skinner  carried  letters  from  the  wounded  British  officers  left 
at  Bladensburg;  and  in  these  letters  to  their  friends  on  board  the  fleet,  they  all 
spoke  of  the  humanity  and  kindness  with  which  they  had  been  treated  after  they 
had  fallen  into  our  hands.  And  after  a  good  deal  of  conversation,  and  strong  repre- 
sentations from  Mr.  Key,  as  to  the  character  and  standing  of  Dr.  Beanes,  and  of  the 
deep  interest  which  the  community  in  which  he  lived,  took  in  his  fate,  General 
Ross  said  that  Dr.  Beanes  deserved  much  more  punishment  than  he  had  received; 
but  that  he  felt  himself  bound  to  make  a  return  for  the  kindness  which  had  been 
shown  to  his  wounded  officers,  whom  he  had  been  compelled  to  leave  at  Bladens- 
burg; and  upon  that  ground,  and  that  only,  he  would  release  him.  But  Mr.  Key 
was  at  the  same  time  informed  that  neither  he,  nor  any  one  else,  would  be  per- 
mitted to  leave  the  fleet  for  some  days;  and  must  be  detained  until  the  attack  on 
Baltimore,  which  was  then  about  to  be  made,  was  over.  But  he  was  assured  that 
they  would  make  him  and  Mr.  Skinner,  as  comfortable  as  possible,  while  they 
detained  him.  Admiral  Cochrane,  with  whom  they  dined  on  the  day  of  their 
arrival,  apologized  for  not  accommodating  them  on  his  own  ship,  saying  that  it  was 
crowded  already  with  officers  of  the  army;  but  that  they  would  be  well  taken  care 
of  in  the  frigate  Surprise,  commanded  by  his  son,  Sir  Thomas  Cochrane.  And  to 
this  frigate,  they  were  accordingly  transferred. 

Mr.  Key  had  an  interview  with  Dr.  Beanes,  before  General  Ross  consented  to 
release  him.  I  do  not  recollect  whether  he  was  on  board  the  admiral's  ship,  or  the 
Surprise,  but  I  believe  it  was  the  former.  He  found  him  in  the  forward  part  of  the 
ship,  among  the  sailors  and  soldiers ;  he  had  not  had  a  change  of  clothes  from  the  time 
he  was  seized;  was  constantly  treated  with  indignity  by  those  around  him,  and  no 
officer  would  speak  to  him .  He  was  treated  as  a  culprit,  and  not  as  a  prisoner  of  war. 
And  this  harsh  and  humiliating  treatment  continued  until  he  was  placed  on  board 
the  cartel  .  .  . 

Mr.  Key  and  Mr.  Skinner  continued  on  board  of  the  Surprise,  where  they  were 
very  kindly  treated  by  Sir  Thomas  Cochrane,  until  the  fleet  reached  the  Patapsco, 
and  preparations  were  making  for  landing  the  troops.  Admiral  Cochrane  then 
shifted  his  flags  to  the  frigate,  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to  move  further  up 
the  river,  and  superintend  in  person,  the  attack  by  water,  on  the  fort.  And  Mr. 
Key  and  Mr.  Skinner  were  then  sent  on  board  their  own  vessel,  with  a  guard  of 
sailors,  or  marines,  to  prevent  them  from  landing.  They  were  permitted  to  take 
Dr.  Beanes  with  them  and  they  thought  themselves  fortunate  in  being  anchored 
in  a  position  which  enabled  them  to  see  distinctly  the  flag  of  Fort  M' Henry  from 
the  deck  of  the  vessel.  He  proceeded  then  with  much  animation  to  describe  the 
scene  on  the  night  of  the  bombardment.  He  and  Mr.  Skinner  remained  on  deck 
during  the  night,  watching  every  shell,  from  the  moment  it  was  fired,  until  it  fell, 
listening  with  breathless  interest  to  hear  if  an  explosion  followed.  While  the  bom- 
bardment continued,  it  was  sufficient  proof  that  the  fort  had  not  surrendered.  But 
it  suddenly  ceased  some  time  before  day;  and  as  they  had  no  communication  with 
any  of  the  enemy's  ships,  they  did  not  know  whether  the  fort  had  surrendered,  or 
the  attack  upon  it  been  abandoned.  They  paced  the  deck  for  the  residue  of  the 
night  in  painful  suspense,  watching  with  intense  anxiety  for  the  return  of  day,  and 
looking  every  few  minutes  at  their  watches,  to  see  how  long  they  must  wait  for  it; 
and  as  soon  as  it  dawned,  and  before  it  was  light  enough  to  see  objects  at  a  distance, 


10  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

their  glasses  were  turned  to  the  fort,  uncertain  whether  they  should  see  there  the 
•tan  and  stripes,  or  the  flag  of  the  enemy.  At  length  the  light  came,  and  they  saw 
that  "  our  flag  was  still  there."  And  as  the  day  advanced,  they  discovered,  from 
the  movements  of  the  boats  between  the  shore  and  the  fleet,  that  the  troops  had 
been  roughly  handled,  and  that  many  wounded  men  were  carried  to  the  ships.  At 
length  he  was  informed  that  the  attack  on  Baltimore  had  failed,  and  the  British 
army  was  re-embarking,  and  that  he*  and  Mr.  Skinner,  and  Dr.  Beanes  would  be 
permitted  to  leave  them,  and  go  where  they  pleased,  as  soon  as  the  troops  were  on 
board,  and  the  fleet,  ready  to  sail. 

He  then  told  me  that,  under  the  excitement  of  the  time,  he  had  written  a 
song,  and  handed  me  a  printed  copy  of  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner."  When  I 
had  read  it,  and  expressed  my  admiration,  I  asked  him  how  he  found  time,  in 
the  scenes  he  had  been  passing  through,  to  compose  such  a  song?  He  said  he 
commenced  it  on  the  deck  of  their  vessel,  in  the  fervor  of  the  moment,  when  he 
saw  the  enemy  hastily  retreating  to  their  ships,  and  looked  at  the  flag  he  had 
watched  for  so  anxiously  as  the  morning  opened;  that  he  had  written  some  lines, 
or  brief  notes  that  would  aid  him  in  calling  them  to  mind,  upon  the  back  of  a 
letter  which  he  happened  to  have  in  his  pocket;  and  for  some  of  the  lines,  as  he 
proceeded,  he  was  obliged  to  rely  altogether  on  his  memory;  and  that  he  finished 
it  in  the  boat  on  his  way  to  the  shore,  and  wrote  it  out  as  it  now  stands,  at  the  hotel , 
on  the  night  he  reached  Baltimore,  and  immediately  after  he  arrived.  He  said 
that  on  the  next  morning,  he  took  it  to  Judge  Nicholson,  to  ask  him  what  he 
thought  of  it,  that  he  was  so  much  pleased  with  it,  that  he  immediately  sent  it 
to  a  printer,  and  directed  copies  to  be  struck  off  in  hand-bill  form;  and  that  he, 
Mr.  Key,  believed  it  to  have  been  favorably  received  by  the  Baltimore  public. 

More  than  forty  years  had  elapsed  since  Chief  Justice  Taney  had 
heard  this  story  for  the  first  time  from  Francis  Scott  Key,  and 
though  it  probably  was  modified  or  embellished  in  course  of  tune,  yet 
in  substance  it  has  the  earmarks  of  authenticity.  Exactly  for  this 
reason,  if  for  no  other,  Chief  Justice  Taney's  account  furnished  the 
foundation  for  all  further  accounts,  but  it  should  be  noticed  that  the 
Chief  Justice  does  not  tell  us  anything  beyond  how  the  words  came 
to  be  written,  until  struck  off  in  handbill  form.  We  do  not  learn 
when  and  under  what  circumstances  the  broadside  was  printed, 
how  the  poem  was  wedded  to  its  music,  or  when  and  by  whom  the 
song  was  first  read  or  sung.  If  certain  writers  do  include  such  state- 
ments in  their  quotations  from  Taney's  account,  tfoey  certainly  did 
not  read  Taney's  introductory  letter,  but  most  probably  copied 
their  quotations  from  Admiral  Preble,  who  indeed  but  carelessly 
attributes  such  statements  to  the  Chief  Justice.  The  data  not  con- 
tamed  in  Taney's  account  had  to  be  supplied  by  others,  and  it  is 
very  curious  that  instantly  this  part  of  the  history  of  "The  Star-Span- 
gled Banner"  became  confused,  whereas  Chief  Justice  Taney's 
account  remained  unchallenged  except  in  unimportant  points,  as 
for  instance,  the  reasons  for  Doctor  Beanes's  arrest.  Under  this 
head  Chief  Justice  Taney  was  rather  vague;  not  so  Mrs.  Anna  H. 
Dorsey,  who  in  the  Washington  Sunday  Morning  Chronicle  added 
some  "lesser  facts,"  which  were  reprinted  hi  Dawson's  Historical 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  11 

Magazine,  1861,  volume  5,  pages  282-283.  According  to  Mrs.  Dor- 
sey,  Dr.  William  Beanes,  the  uncle  of  her  mother,  was  celebrating 
with  copious  libations  a  rumored  British  defeat  at  Washington  when 
"three  foot-sore,  dusty,  and  weary  soldiers  made  their  appearance 
on  the  scene  in  quest  of  water."  Somewhat  under  the  influence  of 
the  excellent  punch,  Doctor  Beanes  and  his  friends  made  them  pris- 
oners of  war,  and  very  naturally,  the  British  resented  this,  to  say  the 
least,  indiscreet  act.  The  Beanes-Dorsey  family  tradition  is  given 
here  for  all  it  is  worth,  but  if  correct,  then  it  would  be  a  singular 
coincidence  that  an  English  drinking  song  called  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven"  furnished  the  melody  for  a  poem  which  had  its  root  in 
an  event  inspired  by  Bacchus.  Indeed  Doctor  Beanes  and  his  friends 
might  have  been  voicing  their  sentiments  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven." 

Different  is  the  account  written  by  Mr.  F.  S.  Key  Smith  for  the 
Republic  Magazine,  1908,  April,  pages  10-20,  on  "Fort  McHenry 
and  'The  Star-Spangled  Banner.' "  According  to  Mr.  Smith,  a  party 
of  marauding  stragglers  came  into  the  Doctor's  garden  and  intruded 
themselves  upon  him  and  his  little  company.  "Elated  over  their 
supposed  victory  of  the  day  previous,  of  which  the  Doctor  and  his 
friends  had  heard  nothing,"  says  Mr.  Smith,  "they  were  boisterous, 
disorderly,  and  insolent,  and  upon  being  ordered  to  leave  the  prem- 
ises became  threatening.  Whereupon,  at  the  instance  of  Doctor 
Beanes  and  his  friends,  they  were  arrested  by  the  town  authorities  and 
lodged  in  the  Marlborough  jail." 

This  version,  too,  is  quoted  here  for  all  it  is  worth;  but  it  should 
be  noted  that  throughout  this  article,  dealing  elaborately  only  with 
the  political  history  of  Key's  poem,  Mr.  Smith  is  conspicuously  silent 
about  his  authorities,  thus  preventing  critical  readers  from  accepting 
his  statements  without  skepticism.  A  case  in  point  is  his  continua- 
tion of  Chief  Justice  Taney's  narrative : 

He  [Judge  Nicholson,  also  Key's  brother-in-law]  took  it  [the  draft  of  the  song] 
to  the  printing  office  of  Captain  Benjamin  Edes  on  North  Street  near  the  corner 
of  Baltimore  street,  but  the  Captain  not  having  returned  from  duty  with  the 
Twenty-Sixth  Maryland  Regiment,  his  office  was  closed,  and  Judge  Nicholson 
proceeded  to  the  newspaper  office  of  the  Baltimore  American  and  Commercial 
Daily  Advertiser,  where  the  words  were  set  in  type  by  Samuel  Sands,  an  appren- 
tice at  the  time.  .  .  .  Copies  of  the  song  were  struck  off  in  handbill  form,  and 
promiscuously  distributed  on  the  street.  Catching  with  popular  favor  like 
prairie  fire  it  spread  in  every  direction,  was  read  and  discussed,  until,  in  less 
than  an  hour,  the  news  was  all  over  the  city.  Picked  up  by  a  crowd  assembled 
about  Captain  McCauley's  tavern,  next  to  the  Holiday  Street  Theater,  where 
two  brothers  Charles  and  Ferdinand  Durang,  musicians  and  actors,  were  stop- 
ping, the  latter  mounted  a  chair,  and  rendered  it  in  fine  style  to  a  large  assemblage. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  that  Mr.  Charles  [!!]  Durang  first  sang  "The 
Star  Spangled  Banner,"  it  was  again  rendered  upon  the  stage  of  the  Holliday 
Street  Theater  by  an  actress,  and  the  theater  is  said  to  have  gained  thereby  a 
national  reputation.  In  less  than  a  week  it  had  reached  New  Orleans  [!]... 


12  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

This  is  merely  the  hastily  concocted  and  uncritically  diluted  essence 
of  previous  articles,  including  that  by  Taney.  It  will  be  more  profit- 
able to  turn  to  the  very  few  original  accounts  than  to  dissect  or  even 
pay  much  attention  to  the  second-hand  compilations  from  these 
original  sources,  no  matter  how  spirited  or  otherwise  attractive 
they  may  be. 

One  C.  D.,  in  the  Historical  Magazine  of  1864,  volume  8,  pages  347- 
348,  has  this  to  say: 

One  of  your  correspondents  inquires  in  what  form  the  song  of  the  Star  Spangled 
Banner  was  first  printed?  I  think  that  in  the  History  of  the  Philadelphia  Stage 
you  will  find  that  subject  clearly  explained.  The  song  was  first  printed  and  put 
upon  the  press  by  Captain  Edes,  of  Baltimore,  who  belonged  to  Colonel  Long's 
Twenty-Seventh  Regiment  of  militia.  He  kept  his  printing  office  at  the  corner 
of  Baltimore  and  Gay  Streets.  It  was  given  him  by  the  author,  Mr.  Key,  of 
Washington,  in  its  amended  form,  after  the  battle  of  North  Point,  about  the 
latter  end  of  September  1814.  The  original  draft,  with  its  interlineations  and 
amendatory  erasures,  etc.  was  purchased  by  the  late  Gen.  George  Keim,  of 
Reading,  and  I  suppose  his  heirs  have  it  now.  It  was  printed  on  a  small  piece 
of  paper  in  the  style  of  our  old  ballads  that  were  wont  to  be  hawked  about  the 
streets  in  days  of  yore.  It  was  first  sung  by  about  twenty  volunteer  soldiers  in 
front  of  the  Holliday  Street  Theater,  who  used  to  congregate  at  the  adjoining 
tavern  to  get  their  early  mint  juleps.  Ben.  Edes  brought  it  round  to  them  on 
one  of  those  libating  mornings  or  matinees.  I  was  one  of  the  group.  My  brother 
sang  it.  We  all  formed  the  chorus.  This  is  its  history  .  .  . 

The  reference  to  the  "History  of  the  Philadelphia  Stage"  and  to 
"My  brother"  immediately  implies  the  identity  of  this  C.  D.  with 
Charles  Durang,  brother  of  Ferdinand  Durang  (both  actors),  and 
joint  author,  or,  rather,  editor  of  his  father  John's,  "History  of  the 
Philadelphia  Stage,"  published  serially  in  the  Philadelphia  Sunday 
Dispatch,  1854-55.  Consequently  we  have  here  the  testimony  of  a 
contemporary  earwitness.  A  few  years  later,  in  1867,  Col.  John  L. 
Warner  read  before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society  a  paper  on 
"The  Origin  of  the  American  National  Anthem  called  'The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner/"  and  this  paper  was  printed  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  1867,  Volume  II,  pages  279-280.  As  will  be  seen  from 
the  following  quotation,  it  does  not  contradict  Charles  Durang's 
account,  but  merely  supplements  it.  Says  Colonel  Warner: 

It  was  first  sung  when  fresh  from  his  [Captain  Benjamin  Edes']  press,  at  a  small 
frame  one-story  house,  occupied  as  a  tavern  next  to  the  Holiday  Street  Theatre. 

This  tavern  had  long  been  kept  by  the  widow  Berling,  and  then  by  a  Colonel 
MacConkey,  a  house  where  the  players  "most  did  congregate,"  with  the  quid 
nuncs  of  that  day,  to  do  honor  to,  and  to  prepare  for,  the  daily  military  drills  in 
Gay  Street,  (for  every  able  man  was  then  a  soldier;)  and  here  came,  also,  Captain 
Benjamin  Edes,  of  the  Twenty-seventh  Regiment;  Captain  Long  and  Captain 
Thomas  Warner,  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Regiment,  and  Major  Frailey.  Warner 
was  a  silversmith  of  good  repute  in  that  neighborhood. 

It  was  the  latter  end  of  September,  1814,  when  a  lot  of  the  young  volunteer 
defenders  of  the  Monumental  City  was  thus  assembled.  Captain  Edes  and  Cap- 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  13 

tain  Thomas  Warner  came  early  along  one  morning  and  forthwith  called  the 
group  (quite  merry  with  the  British  defeat)  to  order,  to  listen  to  a  patriotic  song 
which  the  former  had  just  struck  off  at  his  press.  He  then  read  it  to  all  the  young 
volunteers  there  assembled,  who  greeted  each  verse  with  hearty  shouts.  It  was 
then  suggested  that  it  should  be  sung;  but  who  was  able  to  sing  it?  Ferdinand 
Durang,  who  was  a  soldier  in  the  cause  and  known  to  be  a  vocalist,  being  among 
the  group,  was  assigned  the  task  of  vocalising  this  truly  inspired  patriotic  hymn 
of  the  lamented  Key.  The  old  air  of  "Anacreon  in  Heaven"  had  been  adapted 
to  it  by  the  author,  and  Mr.  Edes  was  desired  so  to  print  it  on  the  top  of  the  ballad. 
Its  solemn  melody  and  impressive  notes  seem  naturally  allied  to  the  poetry, 
and  speak  emphatically  the  musical  taste  and  judgement  of  Mr.  Key.  Ferdinand 
Durang  mounted  an  old-fashioned  rush-bottomed  chair,  and  sang  this  admirable 
national  song  for  the  first  time  in  our  Union,  the  chorus  to  each  verse  being  re- 
echoed by  those  present  with  infinite  harmony  of  voices.  It  was  thus  sung 
several  times  during  the  morning.  When  the  theatre  was  opened  by  Warren 
and  Wood,  it  was  sung  nightly,  after  the  play,  by  Paddy  McFarland  and  the 
company. 

So  far  the  historian  would  have  plain  sailing,  but  his  troubles  begin 
with  an  article  written  for  Harper's  Magazine,  1871,  volume  43,  pages 
254-258,  by  Mrs.  Nellie  Eyster,  as  appears  from  the  printed  index. 
Under  the  title  of  "'The  Star-Spangled  Banner:'  An  hour  with  an 
octogenarian,"  she  reports  an  interview  held  on  November  20,  1870, 
with  Mr.  Hendon,  of  Frederick,  Md.,  who  knew  Francis  Scott  Key 
personally  as  a  boy  and  who  moved  in  1809  to  Lancaster,  Pa.,  whence 
both  the  Durangs  hailed.  Together  with  Charles  and  Ferdinand 
Durang  he  belonged  to  the  Pennsylvania  Volunteer  Militia,  which  on 
August  1,  1814,  left  Harrisburg  in  defense  of  Baltimore,  but,  remem- 
bers Mr.  Hendon,  they  "marched  to  the  seat  of  war  three  days  after 
the  battle  had  been  won,"  and  with  special  reference  to  the  defense  of 
Fort  McHenry  he  "was  chafing  like  a  caged  tiger  because  [he]  was  not 
in  it."  He  further  says  that  "  they  remained  upon  Gallows  Hill,  near 
Baltimore,  for  three  months,  daily  waiting  for  an  enemy  that  never 
came.  Then,  for  the  first  time  since  leaving  York  [Pa.],  [they]  took 
breathing  time  and  looked  about  for  amusement."  Follows  what 
Admiral  George  Henry  Preble  called  a  more  fanciful  version  than 
Warner's  account  when  he  copied  Mr.  Hendon's  words  for  a  foot- 
note (p.  494)  in  the  chapter  on  "Our  National  Songs"  (pp.  490-511) 
in  the  first  edition  (Albany,  1872)  of  his  industrious  and  popular 
compilation,  "Our  Flag:" 

"Have  you  heard  Francis  Key's  poem?"  said  one  of  our  men,  coming  in  one 
evening,  as  we  lay  scattered  over  the  green  hill  near  the  captain's  marquee.  It 
was  a  rude  copy,  and  written  in  a  scrawl  which  Horace  Greeley  might  have  mis- 
taken for  his  own.  He  read  it  aloud,  once,  twice,  three  times,  until  the  entire 
division  seemed  electrified  by  its  pathetic  eloquence. 

An  idea  seized  Ferd.  Durang.  Hunting  up  a  volume  of  flute  music,  which 
was  in  somebody's  tent,  he  impatiently  whistled  snatches  of  tune  after  tune, 
just  as  they  caught  his  quick  eye.  One,  called  "Anacreon  in  Heaven",  (I  have 
played  it  often  for  it  was  in  my  book  that  he  found  it),  struck  his  fancy  and 


14  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

rivetted  his  attention.  Note  after  note  fell  from  his  puckered  lips  until,  with  a 
leap  and 'shout,  ho  exclaimed  "Boys,  I've  hit  it!"  and  fitting  the  tune  to  the 
words,  they  sang  out  for  the  first  time  the  song  of  the  Star  Spangled  Banner. 
How  the  men  shouted  and  clapped,  for  never  was  there  a  wedding  of  poetry  to 
music  made  under  such  inspiring  influences!  Getting  a  brief  furlough,  the 
brothers  [!!.]  sang  it  in  public  soon  after  .  .  . 

In  the  second  edition  of  his  work  (1880),  then  called  "History  of 
the  Flag  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  Admiral  Preble  reprinted 
this  fanciful  story,  together  with  the  Charles  Durang  and  Colonel 
Warner  account,  but  again  without  the  slightest  attempt  at  critical 
comparison  and  apparently  without  noticing  that  we  do  not  have  to 
deal  here  with  more  or  less  fanciful  differences,  but  with  reminiscent 
accounts  that  exclude  each  other.  What  subsequent  writers  con- 
tributed in  this  vein  to  the  literature  on  "The  Star-Spangled  Ban- 
ner" may  be  disregarded  since  they  merely  paraphrased  with  more 
or  less  accuracy  what  they  found  in  Preble  or  in  his  sources,  as  for 
instance,  when  one  writer  in  the  American  Historical  Record,  1873, 
volume  2,  pages  24-25,  carelessly  mentions  Charles  instead  of  Ferdi- 
nand Durang  as  the  first  singer  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner." 
However,  a  belated  version  with  fanciful  variations  of  the  main 
theme  should  be  noticed,  as  it  was  printed  sometime  in  1897  in  the 
Philadelphia  Ledger  and  from  there  reprinted  in  substance  in  the 
Iowa  Historical  Record,  July,  1897,  page  144.  According  to  this, 
"the  second  day  after  the  words  were  written,  Ferdinand  Durang 
was  rummaging  in  his  trunk  in  a  tavern  in  Baltimore,  where  he  had 
his  baggage,  for  music  to  suit  the  words,  and  finally  selected  that  of 
'Anacreon  in  Heaven.'  By  the  time  he  had  sung  the  third  verse,  in 
trying  the  music  to  the  words,  the  little  tavern  was  full  of  people, 
who  spontaneously  joined  in  the  chorus.  The  company  was  soon 
joined  by  the  author  of  the  words,  Francis  Scott  Key,  to  whom  the 
tune  was  submitted  for  approval,  who  also  took  up  the  refrain  of  the 
chorus,  thus  indorsing  the  music.  A  few  nights  afterward  '  The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner'  being  called  for  by  the  audience  at  the  Holliday 
Street  Theater,  in  Baltimore,  Ferdinand  Durang  sang  it  from  the 
stage.  Durang  died  in  New  York  in  1832.  Durang  had  a  brother, 
Charles,  also  a  soldier  in  the  '  Blues, '  who  was  likewise  an  actor,  who 
died  in  Philadelphia  in  1875.  .  .  ." 

Finally  an  account  deserves  to  be  reprinted  here  in  part,  because 
it  mentioned  the  person  who  set  Key's  poem  in  type,  though  otherwise 
the  lines  quoted  are  not  overly  accurate,  as  the  reader  of  the  Taney 
letter  will  notice.  It  appeared  in  the  Baltimore  American  on  Sep- 
tember 12,  1872,  together  with  a  facsimile  of  the  article,  etc.,  of 
September  21,  1814,  and  reads  in  part: 

We  have  placed  at  the  head  of  this  article  this  now  immortal  national  song 
just  as  it  first  saw  the  light  in  print  fifty-eight  years  ago  .  .  .    This  song,  as  the 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  15 

form  in  which  it  is  given  shows,  was  published  anonymously.  The  poet,  Fran- 
cis Scott  Key,  was  too  modest  to  announce  himself,  and  it  was  some  time  after  its 
appearance  that  he  became  known  as  its  author  .  .  .  Mr.  Skinner  chanced  to 
meet  Mr.  Key  on  the  flag-of-truce  boat,  obtained  from  him  a  copy  of  his  song,  and 
he  furnished  the  manuscript  to  "The  American "  after  the  fight  was  over.  It  was 
at  once  put  in  type  and  published.  It  was  also  printed  in  slips  and  extensively 
circulated.  The  "printer's  boy,"  then  employed  in  the  office  of  "The  Ameri- 
can," who  put  this  song  in  type,  survives  in  full  vigor,  our  respected  friend,  the 
editor  and  publisher  of  the  "American  Farmer,"  Samuel  Sands,  Esq. 

That  to  Ferdinand  Durang  belongs  the  honor  of  having  first  sung 
Key's  poem  is  unanimously  asserted  (except  by  those  who  confuse 
him  with  his  brother  Charles),  but  it  remains  an  open  question  when 
and  where  he  might  so  have  done.  On  this  point,  the  two  earwit- 
nesses,  Charles  Durang  and  Mr.  Hendon,  disagree.  According  to  the 
reminiscences  of-  the  latter,  the  event  must  have  happened  at  least 
three  months  after  September  14  in  camp  on  Gallows  Hill  near  Balti- 
more. Now,  it  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  brief  account  of 
the  circumstances  leading  to  the  writing  of  Key's  poem  printed  in 
the  Baltimore  American  on  September  21,  preceded  the  full  text  of 
the  poem  under  the  heading  ''Defence  of  Fort  M'Henry"  with  the 
remark  "Tune:  Anacreon  in  Heaven."  It  may  be  that  Mr.  Hendon 
heard  Ferdinand  Durang  sing  the  hymn  in  camp  after  September  21, 
but  it  stands  to  reason  that  at  least  as  early  as  September  21  other 
vocally  inclined  readers  of  the  Baltimore  American  enjoyed  the  com- 
bination of  Key's  "Defence  of  Fort  M'Henry,"  and  the  tune  "To 
Anacreon  in  Heaven."  If  we  possessed  no  other  contemporary 
evidence,  Ferdinand  Durang's  claims  would  rest  upon  very  shaky 
grounds  indeed,  nor  is  the  rest  of  Mr.  Hendon's  story  at  all  of  a  nature 
as  to  inspire  reliance  upon  his  memory.  Mr.  Elson  in  his  "National 
Music  of  America"  (p.  202)  bluntly  expressed  his  suspicion  to  the  effect 
that  "never  was  a  bolder  or  more  fantastical  claim  set  up  in  musical 
history,"  and  every  musician  will  agree  with  him  that  the  "puckered 
lips"  and  the  frantic  hunt  for  a  suitable  tune  in  a  volume  of  flute 
music  is  sheer  journalistic  nonsense,  which  verdict  applies  also  to  the 
Philadelphia  Ledger  account.  And  his  hunt  for  a  melody  happened 
three  months  after  the  tune,  to  which  the  words  were  to  keep  com- 
pany, had  been  publicly  announced! 

The  suspicious  character  of  Mr.  Hendon's  long-distance  reminis- 
cences leaves  those  of  Charles  Durang  to  stand  on  their  own  merits, 
but  unfortunately  they  do  not  help  us  in  fixing  the  exact  date  of  the 
first  performance  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner."  Charles  Durang 
merely  remembered  having  been  one  of  the  chorus  when  his  brother 
Ferdinand  and  about  twenty  volunteer  soldiers  who  used  to  con- 
gregate at  the  adjoining  tavern  in  the  morning  first  sang  the  song 
after  Ben.  Edes  brought  it  round  to  them  on  one  of  those  libating 


16  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

mornings.  This  may  have  been  the  morning  of  September  15,  when 
Samuel  Sands,  the  apprentice,  is  popularly  supposed  to  have  set 
the  poem  as  a  broadside,  or  any  other  morning,  including  a  morning 
after  September  21,  when  the  poem  had  appeared  with  indication  of 
the  tune  in  the  Baltimore  American.  Nor  is  Colonel  Warner's  account, 
who  perhaps  was  a  descendant  of  Capt.  Thomas  Warner,  which  pos- 
sibility would  give  his  account  the  strength  of  a  family  tradition, 
more  explicit  on  this  point.  At  this  tavern,  it  being  a  southern  Sep- 
tember morning,  may  mean  practically  the  same  as  in  Charles 
Durang's  version,  in  front  of  the  adjoining  Ilolliday  Street  Theater. 
There  Captain  Edes,  in  company  of  Capt.  Thomas  Warner,  is  said  to 
have  called  the  attention  of  the  group  of  volunteers  "to  a  patriotic 
song  which  [he]  had  just  struck  off  at  his  press."  Consequently, 
neither  Durang  nor  Warner  substantiate  the  popular  version  that 
Ferdinand  Durang  sang  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  for  the  first 
time  on  September  15,  1814.  Nor  do  they  even  substantiate  the 
universally  accepted  theory  that  the  broadside  was  struck  off  Edes's 
press  on  September  15!  Indeed,  not  even  Key-Taney's  report: 
"Judge  Nicholson  .  .  .  immediately  sent  it  [the  manuscript]  to  a 
printer,  and  directed  copies  to  be  struck  off  in  hand-bill  form," 
necessarily  implies  the  conclusion  that  they  were  struck  off  on  the 
morning  of  September  15.  At  any  rate,  the  story  that  Key's  poem 
was  taken  to  a  printer,  set  as  a  broadside,  distributed  about  town, 
read,  discussed, sung  with  great  gusto,  etc.,  and  all  this  on  the  morning 
of  September  15,  1814,  belongs  to  the  realm  of  unwholesome  fiction! 
On  the  evening  of  September  15  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner," 
says  Mr.  F.  S.  Key  Smith,  was  "rendered  upon  the  stage  of  the 
Holliday  Street  Theater  by  an  actress."  Also  Ferdinand  Durang  is 
mentioned  in  this  connection  by  some  writers,  and  others  proffer  other 
names.  What  are  the  facts  ?  In  the  first  place,  the  suspicions  of  the 
historians  should  have  been  aroused  by  the  observation  that  the  actor- 
manager,  Wood,  in  his  autobiography  does  not  mention  any  theatrical 
performances  at  Baltimore  in  September,  1814.  In  the  second  place, 
if  they  had  consulted  the  Baltimore  papers  of  that  period,  such  as 
the  Federal  Gazette,  Baltimore  Patriot,  Baltimore  American — none  of 
which  was  published,  by  the  way,  by  Benjamin  Edes! — they  would 
have  found  no  theatrical  performances  announced  in  September,  1814, 
at  all,  but  they  would  have  found  a  notice  in  the  Federal  Gazette, 
September  20,  to  the  effect  that  "about  600  Pennsylvania  troops 
arrived  yesterday,"  among  them  a  Lancaster  company,  apparently 
the  very  militia  troops  to  which  Ferdinand  Durang  belonged.  Not 
only  this,  the  historians  would  further  have  found  from  the  same 
source  that  the  theater  was  not  opened  until  October  12,  1814-  No 
reference  to  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  appears  in  the  announce- 
ments of  this  evening  or  of  the  benefit  performance  on  October  14 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  17 

"to  aid  the  fund  for  the  defence  of  the  city,"  unless  hidden  away  on 
the  benefit  program  as  "a  patriotic  epilogue  by  Mrs.  Mason."  On 
this  evening  Ferdinand  Durang  did  appear — dancing  a  "  military  horn- 
pipe." With  a  little  patience  the  historians  at  last  would  have  found 
in  the  announcement  of  the  historical  play  "Count  Benyowski"  for 
Wednesday  evening,  October  19,  1814  (in  the  Baltimore  American 
appears  October  15  as  a  misprint),  the  following  lines,  which  at  last 
shed  the  light  of  fact  on  the  whole  matter : 

After  the  play,  Mr.  Harding  [the  Federal  Gazette  spells  the  name  Hardinge] 
will  sing  a  much  admired  New  Song,  written  by  a  gentleman  of  Maryland,  in 
commemoration  of  the  GALLANT  DEFENCE  OF  FORT  M'HENRY,  called,  THE  STAR 
SPANGLED  BANNER.  .  .  . 

The  rather  immaterial  question  of  whether  or  not  and  when  and 
where  Ferdinand  Durang  possibly  sang  "The Star-Spangled  Banner" 
for  the  first  time  leads  up  to  the  much  more  important  question: 
How  came  the  tune  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  and  no  other,  to  be 
wedded  to  Key's  poem  ?  Chief  Justice  Taney,  as  anybody  can  see 
and  as  all  should  have  seen  before  rusliing  into  print  with  their 
stories,  is  absolutely  silent  on  this  point.  So  is  Charles  Durang. 
Colonel  Warner  says : 

The  old  air  of  Anacreon  in  Heaven  had  been  adapted  to  it  by  the  author,  and 
Mr.  Edes  was  desired  so  to  print  it  on  to  the  top  of  the  ballad. 

The  most  reliable  reports,  therefore,  do  not  mention  Ferdinand 
Durang  at  all  in  this  connection.  He  figures  as  musical  godfather 
to  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  in  the  journalistic  reports  only  and 
under  rather  suspicious  circumstances.  However,  there  exists  another 
and  different  version.  Mrs.  Rebecca  Lloyd  Shippen,  of  Baltimore,  a 
granddaughter  of  Judge  Joseph  Hopper  Nicholson  and  a  greatniece 
of  Francis  Scott  Key,  contributed  to  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of 
History  and  Biography,  1901-2,  volume  25,  pages  427-428,  an  article 
on  "The  Original  Manuscript  of  'The  Star-Spangled  Banner,'  "  of 
which  more  will  have  to  be  said  further  on.  In  this  article  we  read: 

Judge  Nicholson  wrote  a  little  piece  that  appears  at  the  heading  of  the  lines, 
above  which  he  also  wrote  the  name  of  the  tune  "  Anacreon  in  Heaven  " — a  tune 
which  Mrs.  Charles  Howard,  the  daughter  of  Francis  Scott  Key,  told  me  was  a 
common  one  at  that  day — and  Judge  Nicholson,  being  a  musician  among  his  other 
accomplishments  and  something  of  a  poet,  no  doubt  took  but  a  few  minutes  to  see 
that  the  lines  given  him  by  Francis  Scott  Key  could  be  sung  to  that  tune,  and, 
in  all  haste  to  give  the  lines  as  a  song  to  the  public,  he  thus  marked  it.  I  possess 
this  rare  original  manuscript,  kept  carefully  folded  by  his  wife,  Rebecca  Lloyd 
Nicholson,  and  taken  from  her  private  papers  by  myself  [Mrs.  Shippen]  and 
framed. 

Judge  Nicholson's  part  in  the  history  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Ban- 
ner" was  narrated  in  substantially  the  same  manner  in  editorial  foot- 
notes to  an  article  on  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  copied  largely 
from  Chief  Justice  Taney  by  Mrs.  Shippen,  for  the  Pennsylvania 
85480—09 2 


18  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

Magazine  of  History  and  Biography,  1888-99,  volume  22,  pages 
321-325.  It  follows  that  the  editor  was  either  inspired  by  Mrs. 
Shippen  or  Mrs.  Shippen  by  the  editor.  Careful  reading  of  this  par- 
ticular part  of  the  article  implies  that  we  have  to  deal  here  with  a 
personal  opinion,  not  with  contemporary  evidence,  or  even  with  a 
family  tradition.  Waiving  aside  for  the  present  some  doubts  as  to 
the  accuracy  of  the  story  as  quoted  above,  the  main  contention 
appears  to  be  that  Judge  Nicholson  supplied  the  tune.  IJght  is  shed 
on  the  whole  matter  if  the  history  of  the  tune  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven"  in  England  and  America  is  briefly  summarized. 

For  a  long  time  the  tune  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  was  attrib- 
uted, if  attributed  to  any  composer  at  all,  to  Dr.  Samuel  Arnold 
(1740-1802).  Of  this  opinion  were  J.  C.  (in  Baltimore  Clipper,  1841), 
Nason  (1869),  Salisbury  (1872),  and  others.  The  general  inability  to 
substantiate  this  rumor  finally  led  to  one  of  the  most  grotesquely 
absurd  articles  in  musical  literature,  namely  that  in  the  American 
Art  Journal,  1896  (v.  68,  pp.  194-195),  by  J.  Fairfax  McLaughlin, 
under  the  title  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner!  Who  Composed  the 
Music  for  It.  It  is  American,  not  English."  The  Musical  Times,  of 
London,  1896  (pp.  516-519),  immediately  challenged  Mr.  McLaugh- 
lin's  statements  and  elaborately  buried  his  patriotic  aspirations, 
though  this  service  could  have  been  rendered  him  just  as  neatly  by  a 
reference  to  Mr.  William  ChappelTs  article  "The  Star-Spangled  Ban- 
ner and  To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  in  Notes  and  Queries,  1873,  fourth 
series,  volume  11,  pages  50-51,  or  to  the  footnote  on  page  6  of  Mr. 
Stephen  Salisbury's  "Essay  on  The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  1873, 
where  the  contents  of  a  pertinent  letter  from  Mr.  William  Chappell 
were  made  public. 

In  the  following  pages  a  combination  is  attempted  of  the  data, 
so  far  as  I  could  verify  them  in  the  articles  by  Chappell  and  X  in  the 
Musical  Times  with  the  data  in  Grove's  Dictionary  and  elsewhere, 
adding  to  or  deducting  from  this  information  the  results  of  a  corre- 
spondence with  such  esteemed  British  authors  as  Mr.  Frank  Kidson, 
Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire,  and  Mr.  W.  H.  Grattan  Flood. 

In  his  "Musical  Memoirs"  (1830,  Vol.  I,  pp.  80-84)  W.  T.  Parke 
entered  under  the  year  1786  these  entertaining  lines: 

This  season  I  became  an  honorary  member  of  the  Anacreontic  Society,  and  at 
the  first  meeting  played  a  concerto  on  the  oboe,  as  did  Cramer  on  the  violin.  The 
assemblage  of  subscribers  was  as  usual  very  numerous,  amongst  whom  were  sev- 
eral noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  the  first  distinction.  Sir  Richard  Hankey 
(the  banker)  was  the  chairman.  This  fashionable  society  consisted  of  a  limited 
number  of  members,  each  of  whom  had  the  privilege  of  introducing  a  friend,  for 
which  he  paid  in  his  subscription  accordingly.  The  meetings  were  held  in  the 
great  ball-room  of  the  Crown  and  Anchor  Tavern  in  the  Strand,  once  a  fortnight 
during  the  season,  and  the  entertainments  of  the  evening  consisted  of  a  grand 
concert,  in  which  all  the  flower  of  the  musical  profession  assisted  as  honorary 
members.  After  the  concert  an  elegant  supper  was  served  up;  and  when  the 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  19 

cloth  was  removed,  the  constitutional  song,  beginning,  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven," 
was  sung  by  the  chairman  or  his  deputy.  This  was  followed  by  songs  in  all  the 
varied  styles,  by  theatrical  singers  and  the  members,  and  catches  and  glees  were 
given  by  some  of  the  first  vocalists  in  the  kingdom.  The  late  chairman,  Mr. 
Mulso,  possessed  a  good  tenor  voice,  and  sang  the  song  alluded  to  with  great 
effect  .  .  . 

This  society,  to  become  members  of  which  noblemen  and  gentlemen  would 
wait  a  year  for  a  vacancy,  was  by  an  act  of  gallantry  brought  to  a  premature  dis- 
solution. The  Duchess  of  Devonshire,  the  great  leader  of  the  haut  ton,  having 
heard  the  Anacreontic  highly  extolled,  expressed  a  particular  wish  to  some  of 
its  members  to  be  permitted  to  be  privately  present  to  hear  the  concert,  &c., 
which  being  made  known  to  the  directors,  they  caused  the  elevated  orchestra 
occupied  by  the  musicians  at  balls  to  be  fitted  up,  with  a  lattice  affixed  to  the 
front  of  it,  for  the  accommodation  of  her  grace  and  party,  so  that  they  could  see, 
without  being  seen;  but,  some  of  the  comic  songs,  not  being  exactly  calculated 
for  the  entertainment  of  ladies,  the  singers  were  restrained;  which  displeasing 
many  of  the  members,  they  resigned  one  after  another;  and  a  general  meeting  being 
called,  the  society  was  dissolved. 

Misreading  slightly  Mr.  Parke's  reminiscences,  C.  M.  in  Grove's 
Dictionary  claimed  that  Parke  wrote  of  the  dissolution  of  the  club 
in  1786,  which  he,  of  course,  did  not  do.  Nor  would  the  year  1786 
be  tenable,  since  Pohl  in  his  scholarly  book  on  "Mozart  and  Haydn 
in  London,"  1867  (v.  2,  p.  107),  gleaned  from  the  Gazetteer  of  Jan- 
uary 14,  1791,  that  Haydn  was  the  guest  of  honor  at  the  society's 
concert  on  January  12.  Nor  is  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  correct  if  he,  in 
some  "Notes  on  the  Origin  of  'To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,'  "  sent  me 
in  June,  1908,  dates  the  dissolution  of  the  society  1796.  (While  fully 
appreciating  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  W.  H.  Grattan  Flood  in  transmitting 
these  notes,  I  regret  the  inadvisability  of  using  them,  except  in  con- 
nection with  other  sources,  because  these  notes  are  singularly  at 
variance  with  the  contents  of  several  letters  sent  me  by  Mr.  Grattan 
Flood  on  the  same  subject,  and  because  these  notes  contain  certain 
positive  statements  without  reference  to  source  which  it  would  be 
unmethodical  to  accept  unreservedly.)  The  "Musical  Directory  for 
the  Year  1794"  in  the  "List  of  various  musical  societies"  states  dis- 
tinctly: "The  Anacreontic  Society  which  met  at  the  Crown  and 
Anchor  Tavern,  in  the  Strand,  the  festivities  of  which  were  heightened 
by  a  very  Select  Band."  Consequently  the  society  no  longer  existed 
in  1794.  This  is  not  at  all  contradicted  by  the  entry  under  Dr. 
Samuel  Arnold  "Conductor  at  Acad[emy  of  Ancient  Music],  Ana- 
[creontic  Society],"  because  the  title-page  distinctly  reads  "musical 
societies  of  which  they  [the  professors  of  music]  are  or  have  been, 
members."  (To  avoid  confusion  it  may  be  here  added  that  "To 
Anacreon  in  Heaven"  is  not  contained  in  the  "Anacreontic  Songs  for 
1,  2,  3,  &  4  voices  composed  and  selected  by  Dr.  Arnold  and  dedi- 
cated by  permission  to  the  Anacreontic  Society,"  London,  J.  Bland, 
1785.) 


20  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

If  it  is  now  clear  that  the  Anacreontic  Society  must  have  been  dis- 
solved between  1791  and  1794,  the  year  of  its  foundation  is  not 
equally  clear,  and  therefore  it  is  a  somewhat  open  question  since 
when  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  can  have  been  sung  as  the  "consti- 
tutional" song  of  this  society.  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  writes  in  his 
"Notes"  mentioned  above: 

The  words  and  music  of  "To  Anacreon"  were  published  by  Longman  and 
Broderip  in  1779-1780,  and  were  reprinted  by  Anne  Lee  of  Dublin  (71780)  in  1781. 
Dr.  Cummings  says  that  he  saw  a  copy  printed  by  Henry  Fought — at  least  it  is 
made  up  with  single  sheet  songs  printed  by  Fought — but  this  is  scarcely  likely,  as 
Fought  did  not  print  after  1770,  and  the  song  and  music  were  not  in  existence  till 
1770-71  .  .  . 

Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire  in  a  letter  dated  September  21,  1908, 
refers  to  the  dates  of  these  two  publications,  which  contain  both  the 
words  and  the  music,  in  the  guarded  sentence,  "Both  are  about  1780, 
but  it  is  quite  impossible  to  tell  the  exact  dates."  The  Longman  & 
Broderip  edition  is  the  one  the  title  of  which  Mr.  William  Chappell 
transcribed  for  Notes  and  Queries,  1873 : 

The  Anacreontic  Song,  as  sung  at  the  Crown  and  Anchor  Tavern  in  the  Strand, 
the  words  by  Ralph  Tomlinson,  Esq.  late  President  of  that  Society.  Printed  by 
Longman  and  Broderip,  No.  26  Cheapside,  and  No.  13  Heymarket. 

With  reference  to  Dr.  William  Cummings's  statement  that  he  saw 
a  copy  printed  by  Fought,  I  have  not  found  any  such  statement  by 
Doctor  Cummings  in  print.  Apparently  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  reported 
part  of  a  conversation  with  the  distinguished  English  scholar,  but  in 
reply  to  a  pertinent  inquiry  Doctor  Cummings  sent,  under  date  of 
November  7,  1908,  this  brief  note: 

I  had  a  copy  of  Smith's  "To  Anacreon"  pub.[lished]  in  1771.  I  showed  it  at  a 
public  lecture,  but  cannot  now  find  it.  I  have  two  copies  of  a  little  later  date. 
The  first  named  was  a  single  sheet  song. 

Doctor  Cummings  evidently  was  not  willing  to  commit  his  memory 
under  the  circumstances  on  the  point  of  imprint,  nor  does  he  make  it 
clear  whether  or  no  Smith's  name  appeared  on  the  sheet  song  as  that 
of  the  composer.  Assuming  that  Doctor  Cummings  had  every  solid 
reason  to  date  this,  the  earliest  known  issue,  of  "To  Anacreon,"  1771, 
it  follows  that  words  and  music  must  have  been  written  at  the  latest 
in  1771  and  at  the  earliest  in  the  year  of  foundation  of  the  "Anacreon- 
tic Society,"  which  is  unfortunately  unknown. 

In  1786,  according  to  Parke,  the  chairman  of  the  society  was  Sir 
Richard  Hankey,  whose  immediate  predecessor  seems  to  have  been 
Mr.  Mulso.  About  1780  Ralph  Tomlinson,  esq.,  appears  in  the  Long- 
man &  Broderip  edition,  as  the  "late  President  of  the  Society,"  and 
no  other  gentleman  has  yet  been  found  to  have  preceded  him  in  the 
chair.  However,  such  biographical  data  are  irrelevant  for  the  present 
purpose,  and  attention  might  now  profitably  be  called  to  "The  Vocal 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  21 

Magazine;  or,  British  Songster's  Miscellany"  (London,  1778),  in 
which  are  published  on  pages  147-148  as  Song  566,  without  indica- 
tion of  the  tune,  as  is  the  case  with  all  the  songs  in  the  collection,  the 
words  of, 

ANACREONTIC    SOCIETY. 

Written  by  Ralph  Tomlinson,  Esq. 

To  Anacreon,  in  Heav'n,  where  he  sat  in  full  glee, 

A  few  sons  of  harmony  sent  a  petition, 
That  he  their  inspirer  and  patron  would  be; 

When  this  answer  arriv'd  from  the  jolly  old  Grecian — 
Voice,  fiddle,  and  flute, 
No  longer  be  mute; 

I'll  lend  ye  my  name,  and  inspire  ye  to  boot: 
And,  besides,  I'll  instruct  ye,  like  me,  to  intwine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 

The  news  through  Olympus  immediately  flew; 

When  old  Thunder  pretended  to  give  himself  airs — 
If  these  mortals  are  suffer' d  their  scheme  to  pursue, 
The  devil  a  goddess  will  stay  above  stairs. 
Hark!  already  they  cry, 
In  transports  of  joy, 

A  fig  for  Parnassus!  to  Rowley's  we'll  fly; 
And  there,  my  good  fellows,  we'll  learn  to  intwine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 

The  yellow-hair'd  god,  and  his  nine  fusty  maids, 
To  the  hill  of  old  Lud  will  incontinent  flee, 
Idalia  will  boast  but  of  tenantless  shades, 

And  the  biforked  hill  a  mere  desert  will  be. 
My  thunder,  no  fear  on't, 
Will  soon  do  its  errand, 

And,  dam'me!  I'll  swinge  the  ringleaders,  I  warrant. 
I'll  trim  the  young  dogs,  for  thus  daring  to  twine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 

Apollo  rose  up;  and  said,  Pr'ythee  ne'er  quarrel, 

Good  king  of  the  gods,  with  my  vot'ries  below! 
Your  thunder  is  useless — then,  shewing  his  laurel, 
Cry'd,  Sic  evitabile fulmen,  you  know! 
Then  over  each  head 
My  laurels  I'll  spread; 

So  my  sons  from  your  crackers  no  mischief  shall  dread, 
Whilst  snug  in  their  club-room,  they  jovially  twine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 

Next  Momus  got  up,  with  his  risible  phiz, 

And  swore  with  Apollo  he'd  chearfully  join — 
The  full  tide  of  harmony  still  shall  be  his, 

But  the  song,  and  the  catch,  and  the  laugh  shall  be  mine: 
Then,  Jove,  be  not  jealous 
Of  these  honest  fellows. 

Cry'd  Jove,  We  relent,  since  the  truth  you  now  tell  us; 
And  swear,  by  Old  Styx,  that  they  long  shall  intwine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 

Ye  sons  of  Anacreon,  then,  join  hand  in  hand; 

Preserve  unanimity,  friendship,  and  love. 

"Tis  your's  to  support  what's  so  happily  plan'd; 

You've  the  sanction  of  gods,  and  the  fiat  of  Jove. 
While  thus  we  agree, 
Our  toast  let  it  be. 

May  our  club  flourish  happy,  united,  and  freel 
And  long  may  the  sons  of  Anacreon  intwine 
The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine. 


22  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

About  two  years  later,  as  has  been  stated  above,  Longman  & 
Broderip,  of  London,  and  Anne  Lee,  of  Dublin,  published  "  To  Anacreon 
in  Heaven"  as  sheet  song  with  music.  It  further  appeared  as  Song 
CLXVII  on  pages  336-337  of  "The  Vocal  Enchantress,"  London, 
J.  Fielding  [1783],  and  this  being  the  earliest  version  of  Tomlinson's 
words  with  their  music  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  it  is  here  reproduced  in 
photographic  facsimile.  (See  Appendix,  Plate  I.)  The  song  received 
increased  publicity  as  Song  IV  (p.  4)  in  "Calliope;  or,  the  Musical 
Miscellany,"  London  (C.  Elliot  and  T.  Kay),  1788,  as  Song  I  (pp.  1-4) 
"Sung  by  Mr.  Bannister  at  the  Anacreontic  Society"  in  the  "Edin- 
burgh Musical  Miscellany,"  1792,  and  as  Song  LXXXVII  in  the 
first  volume  of  Stewart's  "Vocal  Magazine,"  Edinburgh,  1797.  In 
1796  (Grattan  Flood;  Mr.  Kidson  prefers  ca.  1795)  Smollet  Holden, 
of  Dublin,  made  a  curious  use  of  the  tune  by  including  a  "Masonic 
Ode,  song  and  chorus,  written  by  Mr.  Connel,  on  behalf  of  the  Masonic 
Orphan  School,"  to  the  Anacreontic  tune  in  his  A  Selection  of  Masonic 
Songs.  A  second  edition  bears  the  imprint  "Dublin,  A.  L.  5802" 
(A.  D.  1802),  and  Mr.  Elson  inserted  a  photographic  facsimile  of  this 
Masonic  Ode  (first  words:  "To  old  Hiram,  in  Heav'n  where  he  sat  in 
full  glee")  from  his  copy  of  the  second  edition  in  his  book  on  The 
National  Music  of  America. 

The  inference  to  be  drawn  from  the  insertion  of  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven"  in  the  quoted  collections,  not  to  mention  many  later  col- 
lections, is  plain.  As  those  collections  were  among  the  most  impor- 
tant and  most  popular  of  the  time,  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  must 
have  been  familiar  to  all  convivial  souls  in  the  British  Isles  toward 
1800.  Now  it  is  a  fact  that  with  the  possible  exception  of  that  mys- 
terious sheet  song  of  1771,  not  one  of  these  publications  alludes  to 
the  composer  of  the  tune.  It  was  not  the  rule  to  do  so  in  miscel- 
laneous collections,  yet  it  is  a  curious  fact  that,  while  contrary  to 
custom,  Stewart's  Vocal  Magazine,  1797,  mentions  in  a  separate  index 
the  composers  of  many  of  the  airs,  it  leaves  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven" 
without  a  composer.  Possibly  the  editor  doubted  the  now  generally 
accepted  authorship  of  John  Stafford  Smith,  or  he  was  still  unaware 
of  the  peculiar  form  of  entry  (mentioned  by  Wm.  Chappell  as  early 
as  1873!)  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  in: 

The  fifth  book  of  canzonets,  catches,  canons  &  glees,  sprightly  and  plaintive 
with  a  part  for  the  piano-forte  subjoined  where  necessary  to  melodize  the  score; 
dedicated  by  permission  to  Viscount  Dudley  and  Ward,  by  John  Stafford  Smith, 
Gent,  of  His  Majesty's  Chapels  Royal,  author  of  the  favorite  glees,  Blest  pair  of 
Syrens,  Hark  the  hollow  woods,  etc.  The  Anacreontic,  and  other  popular  songs. 
Printed  for  the  author.  .  .  . 

This  collection  was  published  between  1780  and  1790,  the  exact 
date  being  unknown.  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  appears  on  page 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  23 

33,  as  reproduced  here  in  facsimile.  (Appendix,  Plate  II.)  The  words 
"  harmonized  by  the  author"  may  of  course  mean  harmonized  by 
the  author  of  the  collection  and  do  not  necessarily  mean  harmonized 
by  the  author  of  the  air,  but  these  words,  together  with  the  fact  that 
the  collection  contains  none  but  Smith's  own  glees,  etc.,  and  the 
wording  of  the  title  renders  it  probable  that  Smith  refers  to  himself 
as  the  composer  of  the  music.  But  why  the  words  "harmonized  by 
the  author?"  If  one  looks  at  the  song  in  its  garb  as  a  glee,  the  bass 
starting  out  full  of  confidence,  and  the  other  voices  continuing  the 
melody  and  juggling  with  it,  one  is  almost  apt  to  see  in  this  peculiar 
cooperation  of  the  high  and  low  male  voices  a  plausible  explanation 
of  the  notoriously  wide  range  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  if 
sung  by  one  voice.  This  explanation  is  possible  only  if  the  form  of 
"To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  in  Smith's  Fifth  Book  was  the  original 
form.  That  we  do  not  know,  yet  the  word  "harmonized"  renders 
it  improbable.  Furthermore,  if  that  was  the  original  form  of  the 
piece,  then  some  very  radical  melodic  changes  must  have  taken 
place  in  the  melody  shortly  afterwards,  as  a  comparison  of  the  two 
facsimiles  will  show.  Probably  Smith  composed  it,  if  he  really  did 
compose  the  tune,  as  a  song  for  one  voice,  and  in  "harmonizing"  it 
for  several  and  different  voices  he  felt  obliged  to  wander  away  from 
the  original.  Of  course,  if  the  supposed  1771  sheet  song  was  a  sheet 
song  for  one  voice,  and  if  it  contained  Smith's  name  as  composer, 
then  all  doubt  as  to  original  form  and  to  the  composer  vanishes.  We 
would  still  have  a  very  simple  explanation  for  the  extensive  range 
of  the  tune.  Such  a  wide  range  was  then  (and  still  is,  for  that  mat- 
ter) considered  the  sine  qua  non  of  effective  drinking  songs.  Two 
fine  examples  "Anacreon  a  poet  of  excellent  skill"  and  "Ye  mortals 
whom  trouble  &  sorrow  attend"  may  be  found  in  the  "Anacreontic 
Songs"  of  the  very  conductor  of  the  Anacreontic  Society,  namely, 
Doctor  Arnold,  and  after  all,  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  John 
Stafford  Smith  could  not  possibly  foresee  that  his  anacreontic  master- 
piece would  some  day  have  to  be  sung  by  old  and  young  of  an  entire 
nation.0 

°  John  Stafford  Smith  was  born  1750  at  Gloucester  and  he  died  at  London  September 
3,  1836.  His  principal  teacher  was  Doctor  Boyce.  He  became  an  "able  organist,  an 
efficient  tenor  singer,  an  excellent  composer,  and  an  accomplished  antiquary. ' '  From 
1773  on  he  won  many  prices  of  the  Catch  Club  for  catches,  glees,  etc.,  and  his  five  books 
of  glees  contain,  in  the  words  of  Grove,  "  compositions  which  place  him  in  the  foremost 
rank  of  English  composers."  His  famous  "Musica  Antiqua"  appeared  in  1812,  con- 
taining a  selection  of  music  "from  the  12th  to  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century," 
for  which  simple  reason  it  would  be  futile  to  look  for  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  in 
Musica  Antiqua. 


24  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

Tracing  the  American  history  of  the  air,  or  rather  the  history  of  its 
use  in  America,  one  runs  across  these  statements  in  Mr.  Salisbury's 
"Essay  on  'The  Star-Spangled  Banner,'"  1873,  page  7: 

I  do  not  discover  that  it  was  a  favorite  when  Robert  Treat  Paine,  Jr.  used  ita 
measure  in  his  spirited  song  entitled  "Adams  and  Liberty"  [1798] 

p.  9: 

After  sixteen  years,  in  which  the  tune  of  the  Anacreontic  song  was  seldom 
heard  in  this  country  or  in  Europe,  it  was  applied  to  the  pathetic  verses  of  Mr. 
Key. 

The  second  of  these  statements  is  nonsensical,  the  first  at  least 
improbable,  because  it  is  now  known  that  the  musical  intercourse 
between  England  and  America  was  too  lively  in  those  days  to  have 
permitted  such  a  well-known  air  as  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  pub- 
lished in  the  most  popular  collections,  to  have  remained  barred  from 
our  shores.  The  chances  are  entirely  in  favor  of  the  possibility  that 
the  song  had  its  votaries  here  in  the  seventies,  the  more  so  as  Parke 
states  Sir  Richard  Hankey,  later  on  president  of  the  Anacreontic 
Society,  to  have  served  in  the  British  army  during  our  war  for  inde- 
pendence. Nor  would  it  be  at  all  reasonable  to  assume  that  the 
"Columbian  Anacreontic  Society"  founded  in  imitation  of  the  Lon- 
don Society  in  1795  at  New  York,  the  moving  spirit  of  which  was  for 
years  the  great  actor-vocalist  and  bon-vivant  John  Hodgkinson, 
should  not  have  helped  to  spread  a  familiarity  with  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven."  Indeed,  at  least  one  performance  of  it  in  public  is  reason- 
ably certain,  namely,  when  the  "Anacreontic  Song"  was  sung  by  Mr. 
J.  West  at  a  concert  at  Savannah,  Ga.,  August  19,  1796.  However, 
Mr.  Salisbury  himself  assists  in  undermining  his  theory  that  "To 
Anacreon  in  Heaven"  was  little  known  in  America  before  it  was 
applied  to  Key's  "pathetic  verses."  On  page  5  of  his  essay  he  writes 
of  having  seen  it  in  his  copy  of  "The  Vocal  Companion,  published  in 
Philadelphia,  by  Matthew  Carey  in  1796."  It  matters  little  that  no 
copy  of  such  a  collection  is  preserved  at  the  Library  of  Congress,  Bos- 
ton Public,  New  York  Public,  Brown  University,  Philadelphia 
Library  Company,  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  Princeton  Uni- 
versity, American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester;  Mr.  Salisbury 
must  have  seen  it  in  a  copy  of  some  collection  in  his  possession.  Then 
he  mentions  Robert  Treat  (scil.  Thomas)  Paine's  spirited  "Adams 
and  Liberty"  ("Ye  Sons  of  Columbia  who  bravely  have  fought") 
written  for  and  sung  to  the  tune  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  at  the 
anniversary  of  the  Massachusetts  Charitable  Fire  Society  in  Boston 
on  June  1,  1798.  A  photographic  facsimile  of  this  famous  song  is 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  25 

given  here  as  it  was  published  in  the  very  popular  "American  Musical 
Miscellany"  of  1798.  (Appendix,  Plate  III.)  Mr.  Salisbury  further 
mentions  Paine's  song  "Spain"  set  to  the  same  tune  for  a  Boston  fes- 
tival in  honor  of  the  Spanish  patriots,  January  24,  1809.  He  also 
mentions  (in  footnote,  p.  10)  a  "patriotic  offshot"  of  the  Anacreontic 
song,  "perhaps  as  good  as  any  other  commonly  known  before  1814"  [!] 
which  appeared  in  The  New  York  Remembrancer,  Albany,  1802,  with 
the  first  line  "To  the  Gods  who  preside  o'er  the  nation  below," 
attributed  by  the  Boston  Daily  Advertiser,  May  1,  1873,  to  Jonathan 
Mitchell  Sewall,  of  Portsmouth,  N.  H. 

To  these  four  instances  of  the  use  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven" 
may  be  added  these  in  the  following  collections : 

1797.  Columbian  Songster,  New  York,  p.  136.     Song:  For  the  glorious  Four- 
teenth of  July.     ( "  The  Genius  of  France  from  his  star  begem 'd  throne. ") 
1799.  Columbian  Songster,  Wrentham,  Mass.     Song.  32:     Union  of  the  gods. 

1799.  A  Collection  of  Songs  selected  from  the  works  of  Mr.  Charles  Dibdin,  to 

which  are  added  the  newest  and  most  favorite  American  Patriotic 

Songs,  Philadelphia. 

p.  315.  Boston  Patriotic  Song  [Adams  and  Liberty], 
p.  326.  Our  Country's  efficiency  ("Ye  sons  of  Columbia,  determined 
to  keep"). 

1800.  American  Songster,  Baltimore: 

p.      9.  "To  Columbia,  who  gladly  reclin'd  at  her  ease  .  .  . 
p.    13.  "Ye  Sons  of  Columbia,  unite  in  the  cause." 

No  tunes  are  indicated  for  these  two,  but  the  metre  plainly  suggests 
"To  Anacreon  in  Heav'n." 
p.  233.  To  Anacreon  in  Heav'n. 

1802.  Vocal  companion,  Boston.     Song  XVI.     By  J.  F.  Stanfield,  Sunderland. 

("  Not  the  fictions  of  Greece,  nor  the  dreams  of  old  Rome.") 

1803.  The  American  Republican  Harmonist: 

p.  4.  "  New  Song  sung  at  the  celebration  of  the  4th  of  July,  at  Sara- 
toga and  Waterford,  N.  Y.  By  William  Foster"  (Brave 
sons  of  Columbia,  your  triumph  behold). 

p.  30.  Jefferson  and  Liberty.  ("Ye  sons  of  Columbia,  who  cherish 
the  prize."  Text  merely  altered  from  Adams  and  Liberty). 

p.  105.  Song  [for  the  fourth  of  July,  1803]  ("In  years  which  are  past, 
when  America  fought). 

p.  111.  Song.  Sung  on  the  4th  of  March,  at  an  entertainment  given 
»  by  the  American  Consul  at  London.  ("Well  met,  fellow 
free  men!  lets  cheerfully  greet.") 

p.  126.  Song  for  the  anniversary  festival  of  the  Tammany  Society, 
May  12,  1803.  Written  by  Brother  D.  E. 

1804.  'Nightingale,'  selected  by  Samuel  Larkin,  Portsmouth. 

p.    69.  Adams  and  Liberty. 
p.  188.  To  Anacreon  in  Heaven. 


26  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

1804.  Baltimore  Musical  Miscellany. 

v.  1,  p.   26.  Anacreon  in  Heaven  (given  in  Appendix  in  facsimile, 

PI.  IV). 

p.   29.  "  When  Bibo  went  down  to  the  regions  below." 
p.  121.  Sons  of  Columbia  [Adams  and  Liberty], 
v.  2,  p.  158.  The  Social  Club. 
1811.  Musical  Repository,  Augusta. 

p.    22.  Young  Bibo.    ("For  worms  when  old  Bibo  prov'd  delicate 

fun.") 

p.  140.  Adams  and  Liberty  [without  indication  of  the  tune], 
p.  207.  Union  of  the  Gods.     ("To  Columbia,  who  gladly  clined  at 

her  ease.") 
1813.  James  J.  Wilson,  National  Song  Book,  Trenton. 

p.    43.  "For  the  Fourth  of  July"  ("Columbians  arise!  let  the  cannon 

resound.") 
p.    66.  "Embargo  and  Peace"  ("When  our  sky  was  illuminated  by 

freedom's  bright  dawn.") 
p.    68.  "Union  and  Liberty."    ("Hark!  The  Trumpet  of  war  from 

the  East  sounds  alarm.") 

p.    70.  "Freedom."    ("Of  the  victory  won  over  tyrany's  power.") 
p.    87.  "The  Fourth  of  July."    ("O'er  the  forest  crowned  hills,  the 

rich  vallies  and  streams.") 

p.  88.  "Jefferson's  Election."  Sung  by  the  Americans  in  London, 
March  4,  1802.  "Well  met,  fellow  freemen!  Let's  cheer- 
fully greet. ") 

This  is  not  intended  as  an  exhaustive  attempt  to  trace  the  tune 
"To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  in  early  American  song  collections,  but 
merely  to  prove  and  to  corroborate  by  facts  that  "the  tune  was  a 
common  one  at  that  day,"  as  Key's  own  daughter,  Mrs.  Howard, 
told  Mrs.  Shippen. 

We  have  some  further  contemporary  evidence  in  this  communica- 
tion sent  by  Mr.  Charles  V.  Hagner  to  the  American  Historical  Record, 
1873,  volume  2,  page  129: 

At  the  time  it  was  written  by  Mr.  Key,  during  the  attack  on  Fort  McHenry, 
Sept.,  1814,  there  was  a  very  popular  and  fashionable  new  song  in  vogue,  viz: 
"To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  every  one  who  could  sing  seemed  to  be  singing  it. 
The  writer  of  this  was  at  the  time,  (Sept.  1814)  one  of  some  three  to  four  thou- 
sand men  composing  the  advance  Light  Brigade,  chiefly  volunteers  from  Phila- 
delphia, under  the  command  of  General  John  Cadwalader,  then  encamped  in 
the  state  of  Delaware.  In  the  evenings  before  tattoo,  many  of  the  men  would 
assemble  in  squads  and  sing  this  song,  hundreds  joining  in  the  chorus.  Mr. 
Key  must  have  caught  the  infection  and  adapted  his  words  to  the  same  air. 

Francis  Scott  Key  simply  can  not  have  escaped  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven  " !  Indeed  so  common  was  the  tune  that,  after  Thomas  Paine 
had  set  the  example  with  his  "Adams  and  Liberty,"  the  music  and  the 
rather  involved  form  and  meter  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  were 
adopted  as  standards  by  poetically  inclined  patriots.  This  historical 
fact  applies  with  all  its  force  to  Francis  Scott  Key.  The  form  and 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  27 

meter  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  "Adams  and  Liberty,"  and 
"The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  are  practically  the  same,  as  the  juxta- 
position of  the  first  stanza  will  prove,  if  such  proof  be  necessary. 

TO   ANACREON   IN   HEAVEN. 

To  Anacreon  in  heaven,  where  he  sat  in  full  glee, 

A  few  sons  of  Harmony  sent  a  petition, 
That  he  their  inspirer  and  patron  would  be, 

When  this  answer  arrived  from  the  jolly  old  Grecian: 
"Voice,  fiddle,  and  flute, 
"No  longer  be  mute, 
"I'll  lend  ye  my  name,  and  inspire  ye  to  boot: 

"And  besides,  I'll  instruct  you,  like  me,  to  entwine 
"The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus's  vine." 


THE    STAR    SPANGLED    BANNER. 

O  say,  can  you  see  by  the  dawn's  early  light, 

What  so  proudly  we  hailed  at  the  twilight's  last  gleaming? 
Whose  broad  stripes  and  bright  stars  through  the  perilous  fight, 
O'er  the  ramparts  we  watched,  were  so  gallantly  streaming! 
And  the  rocket's  red  glare, 
The  bombs  bursting  in  air 

Gave  proof  through  the  night  that  our  flag  was  still  there; 
0  say,  does  that  star  spangled  banner  yet  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave? 

It  is  absurd  to  think  that  any  poetically  inclined  patriot  of  those 
days  like  Key  could  have  on  the  spur  of  the  moment  set  himself  to 
writing  a  poem  of  such  involved  meter  and  peculiar  form  as  his  is 
without  using  consciously  or  unconsciously  a  model.  It  is  equally 
absurd  under  the  circumstances  to  believe  any  story,  tradition,  or 
anecdote  from  whatever  source  to  the  effect  that  others,  with  more  or 
less  difficulty,  supplied  a  tune  which  fits  the  words  almost  more 
smoothly  than  does  John  Stafford  Smith's  air  the  Anacreontic  text 
of  Ralph  Tomlinson.  Internal  evidence  proves  that  Francis  Scott 
Key,  when  his  imagination  took  fire  from  the  bombardment  of  Fort 
McHenry,  had  either  the  meter  and  form  of  the  words  or  words  and 
air  of  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  or  one  of  its  American  offshoots  in 
mind  as  a  scaffold.  If  this  be  now  taken  for  granted,  two  possibilities 
offer  themselves :  First,  Key  wrote  his  inspired  lines  as  a  poem  with- 
out anticipating  its  musical  use.  When  shortly  afterwards  a  desire 
was  felt  to  sing  his  poem,  the  identity  of  poetic  meter  and  form  of 
both  poems  necessarily,  and,  as  it  were,  automatically,  suggested  to 
Key  himself  or  any  other  person  of  culture  the  air  of  "To  Anacreon 
in  Heaven."  The  second  possibility  is  that  Key  did  anticipate  the 
musical  possibilities  of  his  poem  and  intended  it  as  a  song  to  be  sung. 
In  that  case  the  fact,  as  will  be  seen,  that  neither  his  so-called  original 
manuscript  nor  the  broadside  contain  any  indication  of  the  tune 


28  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

may  be  explained  by  assuming  that  Key,  very  much  like  the  editor 
of  the  American  Songster,  Baltimore  (1800),  considered  it  unneces- 
sary to  mention  what  was  self-evident  to  him  as  the  author.  The 
first  possibility  is  really  more  plausible,  but  at  any  rate  Colonel 
Warner's  statement  that  "The  old  air  of  'Anacreon  in  Heaven'  had 
been  adapted  to  it  [the  poem]  by  the  author"  seems  to  come  nearest 
the  truth,  though  if  a  very  fine  distinction  were  to  be  made  wo  should 
rather  say  that  the  poem  was  adapted  by  the  author  to  the  air,  or  at 
least  to  its  poetic  mate. 

One  of  the  popular  legends  is  that  Key's  poem  with  its  music 
spread  like  wildfire  beyond  Baltimore,  and  in  a  short  time  became 
a  national  song.  The  popular  mind  seems  to  consider  it  a  blemish,  a 
reflection  on  the  intrinsic  merits  of  a  song  (or  any  other  work  of  art) 
if  it  does  not  obtain  immediate  popularity,  and  writers  who  cater 
to  the  tastes  and  prejudices  of  the  multitude  do  not  hesitate  to 
amputate  the  facts  accordingly.  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner" 
rather  gains  than  loses  in  merit  if  the  silly  anecdotes  of  its  wildfire 
progress  are  not  heeded,  and  if  we  adhere  to  what  is  still  common 
knowledge  among  the  older  generations,  namely,  that  "The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner"  was  not  rushed  to  the  front  of  our  national  songs 
until  the  civil  war.  Before  that  time  its  progress  as  a  national  song 
had  been  steady,  but  comparatively  slow,  as  anybody  may  see  who 
follows  its  career  through  the  American  song  collections.  This 
statement  in  nowise  interferes  with  the  fact  that  Francis  Scott  Key 
put  it  too  modestly  if  he  "believed  it  to  have  been  favorably  received 
by  the  Baltimore  public."  It  would  be  quite  possible  to  trace  with 
infinite  patience  the  progress  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner" 
through  the  American  song  collections,  but  this  report  hardly  calls 
for  such  a  laborious  undertaking.  However,  to  illustrate  the  point 
raised  above,  one  would  find  that  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner" 
appears  in  such  songsters  as  "The  American  Songster,  New  York," 
n.  d.;  "New  American  Songster,  Philadelphia,  1817;"  "Bird  of 
Birds,  New  York,  1818;"  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,  Wilmington, 
1816;"  "The  Songster's  Magazine,  New  York,  1820;"  "American 
Naval  and  Patriotic  Songster,  Baltimore,  1831;"  but  not  in  such  as 
"The  Songster's  Companion,  Brattleborough,  Vt.,  1815;"  "The 
Songster's  Miscellany,  Philadelphia,  1817;"  "The  Songster's  Museum, 
Hartford,  1826."  In  other  words,  twenty  years  after  its  conception 
Key's  "Star-Spangled  Banner"  was  not  yet  so  generally  accepted  as 
a  national  song  as  to  necessitate  insertion  in  every  songster. 

Key's  poem  was  accessible  to  the  public  as  a  broadside  possibly  as 
early  as  September  15,  1814.  Here  must  be  quoted  what  Admiral 
Preble  said  on  page  725  of  the  second  edition  of  his  "History  of  our 
Flag:" 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  29 

The  Song  on  this  broadside  was  enclosed  in  an  elliptical  border  composed  of 
the  common  type  ornament  of  the  day.  Around  that  border,  and  a  little  distance 
from  it,  on  a  line  of  the  same  are  the  words,  "Bombardment  of  Fort  McHenry." 
The  letters  of  these  words  are  wide  apart,  and  each  one  surrounded  by  a  circle 
of  stars.  Below  the  song  and  within  the  ellipsis,  are  the  words  "Written  by 
Francis  S.  Key,  of  Georgetown,  D.  C." 

This  description  applies  to  the  "Fac-simile  of  broadside  as  the 
song  first  appeared  in  print,"  contained  in  L.  H.  Dielman's  pamphlet 
"The  Seventh  Star,"  published  at  Baltimore  by  the  board  of  public 
works  for  the  Louisiana  Purchase  Exposition,  1904.  However,  it 
may  be  pointed  out  by  way  of  correction  that  merely  the  initial  "F" 
and  not  the  full  name  of  Francis  is  printed,  that  we  read  M' Henry, 
not  McHenry,  that  a  rather  pretty  and  effective  ornamental  outer 
border  follows  the  shape  of  the  broadside,  and  that  the  four  corners 
contain  additional  ornamental  designs.  What  arouses  the  curiosity 
of  the  historian  most  is  that  Key's  authorship  is  not  withheld,  that 
Admiral  Preble  does  not  mention  this  fact  at  all,  that  the  title  of  the 
poem  here  is  "  The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  and  that  no  tune  is  indicated. 

If  Treble's  description  tallies  with  a  broadside  as  facsimiled  by 
Dielman,  it  absolutely  differs  from  "one  of  those  first  printed  handbills" 
which,  so  Mrs.  Shippen  stated  in  her  article,  first  was  in  possession  of 
her  grandfather,  Judge  Joseph  Hopper  Nicholson,  then  of  his  wife, 
after  that  in  Mrs.  Shippen's  possession,  and  recently  was  acquired 
together  with  a  Star-Spangled  Banner  autograph  by  Mr.  Henry 
Walters,  of  Baltimore.  The  latter  courteously  granted  permission  to 
examine  these  treasures,  and  I  found  that  his  broadside  (about  6£ 
by  5£  inches)  is  without  any  ornamental  design  whatsoever,  does  not 
mention  Key's  name  at  all,  and  does  not  bear  any  title  except  "De- 
fence of  Fort  M' Henry."  This  is  followed  by  the  same  historical 
note  as  appeared  in  the  Baltimore  American  of  September  21,  1814, 
then  by  the  indication  "Tune:  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  and  lastly  by 
practically  the  same  text  of  the  poem  as  it  appears  in  the  Judge 
Nicholson-Widow  Nicholson-Mrs.  Shippen-Mr.  Walters  autograph. 
The  only  differences,  apart  from  the  differences  in  interpunctuation, 
etc.,  are  these: 

(1)  In  the  first  stanza  was  printed  the  "Bombs"  instead  of  the 
bomb. 

(2)  In  the  second  stanza  the  misprint   "reflected  new  shines" 
instead  of  "reflected  now  shines." 

(3)  In  the  broadside  capital  letters  frequently  appear  where  they 
are  not  found  in  the  autograph,  f.  i.  "The  Rocket's,"  "Land  of  the 
Free,"  "Home  of  the  Brave."     On  the  other  hand,  the  autograph 
has  "Country"  whereas  this  broadside  has  "country." 

Here  then  are  two  broadsides,  both  of  which  are  claimed  to  have 
belonged  to  that  edition  set  up  on  the  morning  of  September  15, 


30  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

1814.  We  are  not  permitted  to  accept  Mrs.  Shippen's  claims  for  her 
broadside  offhand,  since  her  account  is  clearly  a  mixture  of  family 
tradition,  personal  opinion,  and  sediment  from  reading  on  the  subject. 
The  broadsides,  to  be  authentic,  must  stand  the  test  of  analytical 
criticism,  and  if  one,  by  this  process,  is  eliminated  then  all  reason- 
able scepticism  will  vanish  from  the  other. 

The  three  observations  called  forth  by  the  broadside  championed 
by  Preble  and  Dielman  are  curious  indeed  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
Baltimore  American,  when  publishing  Key's  poem  on  September  21, 
1814,  preceded  by  a  brief  historical  note,  did  not  print  the  title  "The 
Star-Spangled  Banner,"  but  instead  "Defence  of  Fort  McHenry," 
did  not  mention  Key  by  name  at  all,  but  added:  "Tune:  Anacreon 
in  Heaven."  Key's  poem — and  this  is  a  fact  hitherto  rarely,  if  ever, 
pointed  out — made  its  first  appearance  in  an  American  songster  in 
the  very  rare  "National  Songster,  or,  a  collection  of  the  most  admired 
patriotic  songs,  on  the  brilliant  victories  achieved  by  the  naval  and 
military-heroes  .  .  .  First  Hagerstown  edition,"  Hagerstown  [Md.], 
John  Gruber  and  Daniel  May,  1814  on  p.  30-31  under  the  title  of 

"DEFENCE  OP  FORT  M'HENRY. 
Tune:  Anacreon  In  Heaven. 

Wrote  by  an  American  Gentleman  [!],  who  was  compelled  to  witness  the  bom- 
bardmentof  FortM'Henry,  onboard  of  a  flag  vessel  at  the  mouth  of  the  Patapeco." 

Evidently  the  compiler  of  the  National  Songster  clipped  Key's  poem 
from  the  Baltimore  American  and  did  not  use  a  copy  of  this  broadside. 
If,  as  Mrs.  Shippen  insists  (Pa.  Mag.  of  Hist.,  1901-2,  pp.  427-428) 
her  grandfather's  broadside  was  "One  of  those  first  printed  hand- 
bills," why  was  Key's  name  suppressed  in  the  Baltimore  American's 
account  after  Judge  Nicholson  had  permitted  it  to  go  on  the  handbill 
which  he  himself  had  ordered  at  the  printing  office?  One  might 
suspect  that  in  view  of  the  vindicative  nature  of  the  British  it  was 
deemed  safer  for  Mr.  Key  to  suppress  the  name  of  the  author  of  "  Their 
foul  footsteps'  pollution"  in  a  paper  of  fairly  healthy  circulation,  but 
this  explanation  is  not  plausible,  because  the  historical  note  in  the 
Baltimore  American  could  have  left  no  doubt  of  the  offender's 
identity  in  the  minds  of  British  officers  should  they  have  been  in  a 
position  to  catch  Key.  Possibly  Key's  modesty  would  not  permit 
disclosure  of  his  authorship,  but  what  could  his  modesty  avail  him, 
if  the  broadside  with  his  name  had  already  been  favorably  received 
by  the  public  of  Baltimore  ?  And  not  merely  this,  we  have  the  words 
of  Mrs.  Shippen : 

Judge  Nicholson  wrote  a  little  piece  that  appears  at  the  heading  of  the  lines, 
above  which  he  also  wrote  the  "name  of  the  tune  Anacreon  in  Heaven." 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  31 

Obviously  this  action  of  Judge  Nicholson  can  not  apply  to  the 
broadside  which  contains  "no  little  piece"  nor  indication  of  the  tune, 
but  it  does  apply  to  the  account  in  the  Baltimore  American.  Hence  it 
would  have  been  Judge  Nicholson  himself  who  withheld  Key's  name 
from  the  newspapers  after  he  had  given  it  to  the  public  in  a  broadside. 
Furthermore,  the  Baltimore  American  account  was  bodily  reprinted 
in  the  National  Intelligencer  September  27,  1814,  under  the  same 
title  "  Defence  of  Fort  M'Henry,"  and  at  the  bottom  of  the  anonymous 
poem  appears  the  editorial  note :  "  Whoever  is  the  author  of  those  lines 
they  do  equal  honor  to  his  principles  and  his  talent!"  Consequently, 
not  even  the  editor  of  a  paper  printed  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  prac- 
tically Key's  home,  knew  of  his  authorship  as  late  as  September  27. 
Indeed,  the  anonymous  " gentleman"  figures  in  the  Baltimore 
American  at  least  as  late  as  October  19,  1814.  There  is  another 
suspicious  circumstance.  It  should  have  aroused  surprise  ere  this 
that  Samuel  Sands,  the  apprentice,  set  up  at  a  moment's  notice  such 
an  elaborate  ornamental  handbill  as  described  by  Preble  and  fac- 
similed by  Dielman.  The  boy  must  have  had  remarkably  precocious 
artistic  instincts  indeed,  and  very  rapid  hands  and  eyes.  But  why 
did  he  refuse  to  follow  copy;  why  are  there  several  differences  between 
his  broadside  and  the  so-called  original  manuscript?  Thus  one 
becomes  convinced  that  this  broadside  is  not  and  can  not  have  been  a 
copy  of  the  one  struck  off  before  the  publication  in  the  Baltimore 
American,  but  a  copy  of  a  broadside  published  considerably  after  that 
date,  when  Key's  authorship  was  no  longer  kept  a  secret,  when  his 
poem  had  changed — at  least  in  print,  the  earliest  manuscript  extant 
has  none — its  title  from  "Defence  of  Fort  McHenry"  to  "The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner,"  and  when  verbal  differences  in  the  text  had  com- 
menced to  be  quite  frequent.  The  Preble-Dielman  broadside  thus 
being  eliminated,  only  the  Nicholson-Shippen-Walters  broadside 
remains  for  serious  consideration,  and  as  far  as  I  can  see,  it  contains 
absolutely  nothing  to  arouse  our  suspicion.  In  absence  of  proof  to 
the  contrary,  it  may  indeed  be  called  a  copy,  perhaps  a  unique  copy, 
of  the  original  broadside  edition. 

We  turn  our  attention  to  the  whereabouts  of  the  original  manu- 
script of  Key's  poem. 

Mrs.  Shippen  writes  in  the  article  already  quoted: 

Having  heard  several  times  of  late  that  there  are  in  existence  several  original 
copies,  of  the  lines  written  on  the  night  of  September  12  [sic!],  1814  ...  by 
Francis  Scott  Key  .  .  .  and  as  I  am  the  fortunate  possessor  of  the  only  document 
that  could  exist  of  these  lines — the  original  manuscript — I  will  explain  how  it 
seems  possible  that  there  could  be  more  than  one  .  .  .  [follows  a  partly  inaccu- 
rate account  based  on  Taney]  ...  It  is  the  back  of  that  old  letter,  unsigned,  that 
Francis  Scott  Key  (my  great-uncle)  gave  to  Judge  Joseph  Hopper  Nicholson 


32  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

(my  grandfather)  that  I  possess,  together  with  one  of  those  first  printed  handbills 
.  .  .  Judge  Nicholson  [seeing]  that  the  lines  given  him  by  Francis  Scott  Key 
could  be  sung  to  that  tune  [to  Anacreon  in  Heaven]  and  in  all  haste  to  give  the 
lines  as  a  song  to  the  public,  he  thus  marked  it.  I  possess  this  rare  original  manu- 
script, kept  carefully  folded  by  his  wife,  Rebecca  Lloyd  Nicholson  and  taken 
from  her  private  papers  by  myself  and  framed.  .  .  . 

This  is  a  clear-cut  claim  of  possession  of  the  original  manuscript, 
and  yet  Mrs.  Shippen  herself  undermines  the  claim  by  closing  her 
interesting  article  thus : 

.  .  .  The  first  piece  of  paper  on  which  the  lines  he  composed  were  written  on 
the  night  of  his  arrival  in  Baltimore  I  have  in  my  possession;  the  same  that  Mr. 
Key  himself  gave  to  Judge  Nicholson. 

These  statements  slightly  contradict  each  other,  as  a  careful  read- 
ing of  Chief  Justice  Taney's  account,  on  which  Mrs.  Shippen  partly 
bases  her  claim,  will  prove.  According  to  Taney,  Francis  Scott  Key 
told  him  that — 

(1)  He  commenced  it  [the  poem]  on  the  deck  of  their  vessel  .  .  . 
that  he  had  written  some  lines  or  brief  notes  that  would  aid  him  in 
calling  them  to  mind,  upon  the  back  of  a  letter  which  he  happened 
to  have  in  his  pocket;  and  for  some  of  the  lines,  as  he  proceeded, 
he  was  obliged  to  rely  altogether  on  his  memory. 

(2)  He  finished  it  in  the  boat  on  his  way  to  the  shore. 

(3)  He  wrote  it  out  as  it  now  stands,  at  the  hotel,  on  the  night  he 
reached  Baltimore  and  immediately  after  he  arrived. 

(4)  On  the  next  morning  he  took  it  to  Judge  Nicholson. 
Consequently,  a  distinction  is  here  made  between  the  autograph 

sketch  of  the  poem  commenced  on  the  cartel  vessel  and  finished  on 
the  back  of  a  letter  in  the  boat  before  reaching  Baltimore,  and  a 
written  out  autograph  copy  of  the  sketch.  It  is  the  latter  which  he 
took  to  Judge  Nicholson  for  his  critical  opinion,  and,  of  course,  not 
the  sketch  on  the  back  of  the  letter.  In  the  first  quotation  from  her 
article  Mrs.  Shippen  describes  this  sketch ;  in  the  second  quotation, 
the  manuscript  as  written  out  after  Key's  arrival  at  Baltimore. 
These  two  different  manuscripts  she  confuses,  not  realizing  the  dis- 
tinction implied  in  Chief  Justice  Taney's  narrative.  Hence  she 
considered  herself  Judge  Nicholson's  heir  to  the  original  manyscript 
of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  whereas  she  really  possessed,  and 
Mr.  Henry  Walters,  of  Baltimore,  now  possesses,  not  the  original 
manuscript,  but  Key's  first  clean  copy  of  the  original  manuscript, 
sketched  and  finished  under  such  peculiar  circumstances.  What 
became  of  this  sketch  we  do  not  know.  The  probabilities  are  that 
Key  destroyed  it  after  he  had  neatly  written  out  his  poem  at  the  hotel. 
The  Library  of  Congress  is  not  in  a  position  to  inclose  here  for  purpose 
of  comparison  and  analysis  a  photographic  facsimile  of  Key's  manu- 
script, as  now  possessed  by  Mr.  Walters,  but  fortunately  a  facsimile 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  33 

may  be  found  in  the  Century  Magazine,  1894,  page  362,  and  in  Diel- 
man's  pamphlet  "Maryland,  the  Seventh  Star."  Nobody  looking 
at  these  facsimiles  or  the  original  can  concede  that  the  latter  has  the 
appearance  of  a  filled-in  sketch.  It  is  too  neatly  written  for  that, 
the  lines  are  too  symmetrically  spaced  and  the  whole  manuscript 
contains  practically  only  two  corrections:  In  the  first  stanza  Key 
wrote  and  then  crossed  out  "through"  instead  of  "by  the  dawn's  early 
light,"  and  in  the  third,  "  They  have  wash'd  out"  instead  of  "  Their 
blood  has  wash'd  out."  The  manuscript  contains  no  signature,  no 
title,  nor  indication  of  tune.  This  is  mentioned  particularly  because 
Mrs.  Shippen's  article  might  convey  the  impression  that  the  manu- 
script is  "thus  marked."  The  visible  effects  of  folding  do  not  point 
at  all  to  the  "old  letter"  in  Key's  pocket,  since  Mrs.  Shippen's 
manuscript  had  been  "kept  carefully  folded"  by  Judge  Nicholson's 
wife. 

Unquestionably,  the  manuscript  now  at  the  Walters  Gallery  is  the 
earliest  extant  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner."  In  after  years  Key 
presented  signed  autograph  copies  to  friends  and  others,  but  just 
how  many  such  copies  he  made  is  not  known.  At  any  rate,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  the  existence  of  several  autograph  copies  led  to  con- 
fusion as  to  the  earliest,  the  incorrectly  so-called  original,  copy.  An 
attempt  shall  now  be  made  to  separate  intelligently  such  copies  as 
have  come  to  my  notice  principally  by  way  of  Admiral  Treble's 
several  contradictory  contributions  to  the  subject. 

Charles  Durang,  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  1864,  pages  347-348, 
claimed  that  "the  original  draft,  with  its  interlinations  and  amend- 
atory erasures,  etc.  was  purchased  by  the  late  Gen.  George  Keim, 
of  Reading,  and  I  suppose  his  heirs  have  it  now." 

Without  the  slightest  hesitation  Preble  used  this  statement  in  his 
book  "Our  Flag"  (1st  ed.,  1872,  p.  495).  In  1874  Preble  wrote  in 
his  essay  "Three  Historical  Flags"  (New  Engl.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Reg., 
pp.  39-40),  that  this  particular  copy  was 

Presented  by  Mr.  Key  in  1842  to  Gen.  George  Keim  and  is  now  in  possession 
of  his  eon  Henry  May  Keim,  Esq.  of  Reading,  Penn.  ...  I  have  a  photo- 
graphic copy  of  the  authograph  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Keim. 

Retracting  his  former  statement  about  the  original  draft,  with  its 
erasures,  in  a  footnote  on  the  same  page,  Preble  states  that  his  pho- 
tograph shows  it  to  be  "a  fair  copy,  written  out  by  Mr.  Key,  and  I 
learn  from  Gen.  Keim's  son  that  the  autograph  was  presented  to 
his  father  by  Mr.  Key." 

A  facsimile  of  this  was  made  for  the  Baltimore  Sanitary  Fair  in 
1864,  so  Mr.  Keim  informed  Admiral  Preble  January  8,  1874  (see 
New  Engl.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Reg.,  1877,  pp.  29),  but,  if  made,  it  cer- 
tainly was  not  included  by  Kennedy  and  Bliss  in  their  "Autograph 
85480—09 3 


34  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

Leaves,"  as  the  Library  of  Congress  copy  of  this  work  proves.  Pre- 
ble  gave  the  text  of  the  Keim  copy,  though  not  in  facsimile,  in  his 
essay,  "Three  Historic  Flags"  (1874).  In  the  second  edition  of  his 
"History  of  Our  Flag"  (1880)  he  then  informed  his  readers  that 
Gen.  George  Keim's  copy  had  "since  [been]  presented  to  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Society  by  his  son."  This  statement  is  somewhat 
puzzling,  because  the  text  of  the  Keim  copy  quoted  by  Preble,  1874, 
the  dedication  "To  Gen.  Keim,"  and  the  undated  signature  "F.  S. 
Key"  are  identical  with  those  of  a  supposed  "Star-Spangled  Banner" 
autograph  in  possession  of  Mr.  Robert  A.  Dobbin,  of  Baltimore,  Md. 
When  generously  loaning  this  to  the  Library  of  Congress  for  exhi- 
bition purposes  and  granting  us  the  privilege  to  reproduce  it  in  fac- 
simile (see  Appendix,  Plate  VII).  Mr.  Dobbin,  under  date  of  March 
24,  1909,  wrote: 

Mr.  Key  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Gen.  Keim  of  Pennsylvania.  On  account 
of  this  intimacy  and  as  a  mark  of  the  friendship  which  existed  between  them, 
Mr.  Key  gave  this  copy,  which  I  have  loaned  you,  to  General  Keim.  You  will 
note  that  Gen.  Keim's  name  is  in  Mr.  Key's  handwriting. 

Mr.  Charles  W.  Keim,  a  son  of  General  Keim,  came  into  possession  of  this 
copy  after  the  death  of  his  father,  and  a  few  years  before  his  own  death  presented 
it  to  my  late  wife,  who  was  a  granddaughter  of  Mr.  Francis  Scott  Key. 

Mr.  Dobbin  apparently  was  not  aware  of  the  fact  that  he  possessed 
a  photograph,  not  an  original  autograph,  the  photograph  even  show- 
ing the  marks  of  thumb  tacks.  Consequently,  not  he  but  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Society  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Keim  copy, 
which,  with  its  approximate  date,  1842,  is,  of  course,  as  far  removed 
from  the  original  draft  with  its  erasures  as  is  possible.  It  is  here 
reproduced  by  permission  of  the  society  (see  Appendix,  Plate  V). 

Benson  John  Lossing  wrote  in  footnote  (p.  956),  in  his  Pictorial 
Fieldbook  of  the  War  of  1812,  first  edition,  1868: 

The  fac-simile  of  the  original  manuscript  of  the  first  stanza  of  the  "Star 
Spangled  Banner,"  given  on  the  opposite  page,  was  first  published,  by  permission 
of  its  owner  (Mrs.  Howard)  daughter  of  the  author  [Key],  in  "Autograph  Leaves 
of  our  Country's  Authors,"  a  volume  edited  by  John  P.  Kennedy  and  Alexander 
Bliss  for  the  Baltimore  Sanitary  Fair,  1864. 

Accepting  Lossing's  statement, Preble  in  his  essay, "Three  Historic 
Flags,"  1874,  credited  Mrs.  Charles  Howard,  of  Baltimore,  with  the 
possession  of  this  autograph.  As  the  facsimile  in  the  "Autograph 
Leaves"  shows,  it  bears  the  title  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  and 
the  signature  "F.  S.  Key,"  but  no  dedication  and  no  date.  The 
handwriting  has  not  the  firmness  of  youth,  and  it  stands  to  reason 
that  Key  wrote  this  manuscript  in  late  life.  Admiral  Preble  had 
occasion  in  his  essay,  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  1877,  pages  28-31,  to  correct 
Lossing's  statement  of  ownership,  since  Mrs.  Howard  wrote  him  under 
date  of  April  25,  1874: 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  35 

I  do  not  think  I  ever  had  an  autograph  of  The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  My 
father  [F.  S.  Key]  gave  his  children  from  the  time  they  could  speak,  the  habit  of 
committing  poetry  to  memory,  and  in  that  way  only  has  the  song  been  preserved 
to  me.  Except  in  one  or  two  words,  Mr.  Keim's  version,  as  you  have  it,  is  the 
one  I  have  ever  remembered. 

Though,  therefore,  Mrs.  Howard  disclaimed  ownership  of  this  par- 
ticular autograph,  yet  it  must  have  existed  and  is,  to  judge  by  the 
facsimile,  genuine. 

Another  autograph  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  was  thus 
described  by  Preble  in  his  book,  "Our  Flag,"  1872: 

A  copy  of  the  poem  in  Key's  own  handwriting,  a  copy  prepared  many  years 
after  its  composition,  and  evidently  in  the  exact  language  intended  by  its  author 
(as  it  was  presented  by  him  to  James  Mahar,  who  for  thirty  years  was  the  gardener 
of  the  executive  mansion),  was  a  few  years  since,  exhibited  in  the  window  of 
Messrs.  Phillip  &  Solomons,  on  Pennsylvania  avenue,  Washington.  The  identity 
of  the  handwriting  was  certified  to  by  Judge  Dunlop,  Nicholas  Callen,  Esq., 
Peter  Force  and  others,  all  of  whom  were  intimately  acquainted  with  Mr.  Key 
and  perfectly  familiar  with  his  style  of  penmanship.  In  fact  his  style  was  eo 
peculiar  and  uniform,  that  it  would  be  almost  impossible  for  anyone  who  had  ever 
noticed  it  with  ordinary  care  to  be  mistaken. 

This  report  Preble  evidently  took  from  a  copy  of  the  National 
Intelligencer,  from  which  he  further  quoted  "verbatim"  the  text  of 
the  Mahar  autograph  which  evidently  bore  the  title:  "The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner"  and  the  signature  "For  Mr.  Jas.  Mahar,  of  Wash- 
ington city,  Washington,  June  7,  1842.  From  F.  S.  Key." 

In  his  essay,  "Three  Historic  Flags,"  Preble  merely  added  that  the 
Mahar  copy  was  exhibited  at  Washington  "in  1843,  after  Mr.  Key's 
death."  The  present  whereabouts  of  the  Mahar  copy  is  unknown 
to  me. 

Finally,  in  his  essay,  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner,"  1877  (already 
quoted  above),  Preble  remarked  of  a  copy,  dated  October  21,  1840: 

It  was  first  published  in  fac-simile  in  the  American  Historical  and  Literary  Curi- 
osities (PI.  LV)  by  John  Jay  Smith  [Sec.  Ser.  N.  Y.  1860,  pi.  55]  who  stated  the 
original  was  in  the  possession  of  Louis  J.  Cist. 

Preble  enlivened  his  narrative  by  adding  a  reduced  facsimile  of  this 
1840  copy,  and  he  again  used  it  in  the  second  edition  of  his  "History 
of  Our  Flag,"  1880.  From  there  it  was  reproduced  by  Miss  Mary  L.  D. 
Ferris  in  the  New  England  Magazine,  1890,  for  her  article  on  "Our 
national  songs  "  (pp.  483-504) .  Another  facsimile  is  in  the  possession 
of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester,  as  Mr.  E.  M.  Barton, 
the  librarian,  informed  me.  The  American  Antiquarian  Society  re- 
ceived it  on  October  21,  1875,  from  Maj.  Albert  H.  Hoyt,  then  editor 
of  the  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register.  The  orig- 
inal seems  to  have  disappeared  until  offered  for  sale  as  No.  273  in  Stan. 
V.  Henkel's  catalogue  of  the  Rogers  collection  of  autograph  letters, 
etc.,  1895.  The  added  facsimile  shows  absolute  identity  in  date, 


86  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

signature,  orthography,  appearance,  and  every  other  detail  with  the 
facsimile  at  Worcester. 

To  sum  up,  it  appears  that,  not  counting  the  original  draft,  at  least 
five  copies  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  in  Francis  Scott  Key's 
handwriting  exist,  or  at  least  existed : 

(1)  The  Judge  Nicholson-Mrs.  Shippen-Walters  copy,  1814.    (Walters.) 

(2)  The  Louis  J.  Cist  copy,  1840.     (Cist,  present  whereabouts  unknown.) 

(3)  The  supposed  Howard  copy,  ca.  1840.    (Howard.) 

(4)  The  Gen.  Keim-Pennsylvania  Historical  Soc.  copy.    (Pa.  Hist.  Soc.) 

(5)  The  Mahar  copy,  1842.    (Mahar.) 

There  may  be  other  copies,  but  these  five  are  sufficient  for  the  pur- 
pose of  showing  the  changes  Francis  Scott  Key  himself  made  in  his 
poem.  The  different  versions  would,  as  often  happens  in  such  cases, 
be  used  by  different  compilers.  In  course  of  time  verbal  inaccuracies 
would  creep  from  one  song  book  into  the  other.  Also  the  compilers 
themselves  have  sometimes  felt  justified  in  improving  Key's  text. 
The  result  of  all  this  has  been,  of  course,  that  gradually  Key's  text 
became  unsettled.  As  early  as  1872  Preble  marked  the  verbal  differ- 
ences between  certain  different  versions,  and  since  then  surely  the 
confusion  has  not  decreased.  Hence,  very  properly,  the  cry  for  an 
authoritative  text  has  been  raised.  What  should  constitute  such  a 
text,  whether  one  of  Key's  own  version,  or  a  combination  of  them,  or 
any  later  "improved"  version,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say,  though  I  may 
be  permitted  to  remark  that  in  my  opinion  there  is  no  reason  for  going 
outside  of  Key's  own  intentions.  At  any  rate,  I  do  not  consider  it  my 
duty  to  wade  through  endless  song  books  in  order  to  trace  all  the 
verbal  inaccuracies  and  alterations  of  the  text  of  "The  Star-Spangled 
Banner."0  The  comparison  will  be  extensive  enough  for  all  practical 
purposes  if  it  be  limited  to  Key's  own  five  versions,  to  the  earliest 
printed  versions,  and  to  the  one  in  his  collected  poems.  They  will  be 
distinguished  from  each  other,  where  necessary,  by  the  words  written 
in  parenthesis.  These  printed  texts  here  compared  with  the  earliest 
manuscript  extant  are: 

°In  this  connection  part  of  the  memorandum  of  Dr.  A.  R.  Spofford,  November  19, 
1907,  is  very  instructive.  He  wrote: 

"A  collation  of  this  authentic  copy  [i.  e.,  the  Cist  copy],  with  several  widely  cir- 
culated collections  of  songs,  shows  numerous  variations  and  omissions:  Following  is 
a  statement  of  a  few  of  these,  with  the  number  of  discrepancies  found  in  each: 

"Nason  (E).  A  Monogram  [!]  on  our  National  Songs.  Albany,  1869.  (11  varia- 
tions from  original,  and  one  stanza  omitted.) 

"Higgins  (Edwin).    The  Star-Spangled  Banner.     Baltimore,  1898.     (7  variations.) 
"Sousa  (J.  P.).     National  and  Patriotic  Airs  of  All  Lands.     Philadelphia,  1890. 
(14  variations,  with  a  fifth  stanza  added,  which  was  not  written  by  Key.) 
"Bryant  (W.  C.).    Library  of  Poetry  and  Song.    New  York,  1880.    (8  variations.) 
"Dana  (C.  D.).    Household  Poetry.     New  York,  1859.    (7  variations.) 
"Coates  (H.  T.).    Fireside   Encycloposdia   of    Poetry.    Philadelphia,    1879.    (9 
variations.) 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  37 

(6)  The  Walters  Broadside.     (Broadside  I.) 

(7)  The  Preble-Dielman  Broadside.     (Broadside  II.) 

(8)  Baltimore  American,  1814.     (Baltimore  American.) 

(9)  The  "National  Songster."     (National  Songster.) 
(10)  Key's  Poems,  publ.  1857.    (Poems.) 

The  comparison  is  based  on  the  Walters  text,  without  esthetic  com- 
ment and  taking  the  title  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  for  granted. 
The  words  that  differ  are  italicized.  Differences  in  spelling  and 
interpunctuation  are  disregarded. 

O  say  can  you  see  by  the  dawn's  early  light 

What  so  proudly  we  hail'd  at  the  twilight's  last  gleaming, 
Whose  broad  stripes  &  bright  stars  through  the  perilous  fight 

O'er  the  ramparts  we  watch'd,  were  so  gallantly  streaming? 
And  the  rocket's  red  glare,  the  bomb  bursting  in  air, 
Gave  proof  through  the  night  that  our  flag  was  still  there 
O  say  does  that  star  spangled  banner  yet  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  &  the  home  of  the  brave? 

On  the  shore  dimly  seen  through  the  mists  of  the  deep, 

Where  the  foe's  haughty  host  in  dread  silence  reposes, 
What  is  that  which  the  breeze,  o'er  the  towering  steep, 
As  it  fitfully  blows,  half  conceals,  half  discloses? 

Now  it  catches  the  gleam  of  the  morning's  first  beam 
In  full  glory  reflected  now  shines  in  the  stream 
'Tis  the  star-spangled  banner — O  long  may  it  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  &  the  home  of  the  brave! 

And  where  is  that  band  who  so  vauntingly  swore, 

That  the  havoc  of  war  &  the  battle's  confusion 
A  home  &  a  Country  should  leave  us  no  more? 

Their  blood  has  wash'd  out  their  foul  footstep's  pollution 
No  refuge  could  save  the  hireling  &  slave 
From  the  terror  of  flight  or  the  gloom  of  the  grave, 
And  the  star-spangled  banner  in  triumph  doth  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  &  the  home  of  the  brave. 

0  thus  be  it  ever  when  freemen  shall  stand 

Between  their  lov'd  home  &  the  war's  desolation! 
Blest  with  vict'ry  &  peace  may  the  heav'n  rescued  land 

Praise  the  power  that  hath  made  &  preserv'd  us  a  nation! 
Then  conquer  we  must,  when  our  cause  it  is  just. 
And  this  be  our  motto — "In  God  is  our  Trust," 
And  the  star-spangled  banner  in  triumph  shall  wave 
O'er  the  land  of  the  free  &  the  home  of  the  brave. 

"Stedman  (E.  C.).     American  Anthology.     Boston,  1900.     (5  variations.) 
"While  some  of  these  alterations  from  the  author's  manuscript  may  seem  unim- 
portant, others  actually  change  the  meaning  of  the  lines,  as  in  the  second  stanza, 
where  Key  wrote — 

"  'What  is  that  which  the  breeze,  o'er  the  towering  steep 
"As  it  fitfully  blows,  half  conceals,  half  discloses?' 

"The  second  line  is  perverted  into — 

"  'As  it  fitfully  blows,  now  conceals,  now  discloses?' 

"In  all  except  three  of  the  reprints  before  noted  this  change  occurs. 

"It  is  for  the  worse,  for  two  reasons: 

"(1)  It  destroys  the  fine  image  of  the  wind  flapping  the  flag  so  as  to  show  and  con- 
ceal alternately  parts  of  the  stars  and  stripes;  while  the  substitution  makes  the  breeze 
sometimes  conceal  the  whole  star-spangled  banner. 

"(2)  The  substitution  is  bad  literary  form,  since  it  twice  uses  the  word  'now,' 
which  the  author  has  applied  twice  in  the  two  lines  immediately  following." 


38  The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 

DIFFERENCES. 

Ye:  Cist. 

By:  Cist.    Bright  stars  <k  broad  stripes:  Cist. 
Clouds  of  the:  Cist;  Pa.  Hist.  Soc.;  Howard;  Mahar. 
Bombs:  Broadside  I  and  II;  Baltimore  Am.;  Poems. 
From:  Broadside  II. 

That:  Cist;  Pa.  Hist.  Soc.;  Howard:  Poems;  Now-now:  Poema. 
On:  Cist;  Mahar. 

[Are  the  foes  that:  Pa.  Hist.  Soc.;  Howard. 
I  Are  the  foes  who:  Poems. 
I  That  Ilost  that:  Cist. 
(  The  foe  that:  Mahar. 
Sweepingly:  Mahar. 
This:  Mahar. 
His:  Mahar. 
And:  Broadside  II. 
Foemen:  Mahar. 

Homes:  Baltimore  Am.;  Cist;  Pa.  Hist.  Soc.;  Howard;  Mahar. 
War's:  Mahar. 
0  long  may  it:  Broadside  II. 

Like  other  patriotic  songs,  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  has  had 
its  share  of  additional  stanzas;  that  is,  of  verses  suggested  by  the 
changing  times,  the  changing  spirit  of  the  tunes,  and  sectional  an- 
tagonism. On  the  other  hand,  at  least  one  stanza  often  came  to  be 
omitted.  It  is  the  third,  undoubtedly  expressive  of  bitter  sentiment 
against  the  English,  as  was  natural  and  logical  in  1814,  but  rather 
unnatural  and  illogical  after  we  were  again  the  friends  of  England. 
This  apparent  defect  of  Key's  text  for  a  national  hymn,  which  should 
stand  above  party  feeling  and  chauvinism,  led  to  the  composition  of 
one  of  the  two  additional  stanzas,  which  shall  here  be  briefly  con- 
sidered. Its  origin  was  narrated  to  Preble  in  1876  by  Benjamin  Rush 
in  the  following  words  printed  by  the  Admiral  in  his  essay  on  "The 
Star-Spangled  Banner"  (New  Eng.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Reg.,  1877,  p.  31): 

The  circumstances  under  which  these  additional  stanzas  to  the  Star-Spangled 
Banner  first  came  to  my  hand  were  briefly  adverted  to  in  the  Preface  to  my 
edition  of  my  father's  book,  entitled  "Recollections  of  the  English  and  French 
Courts,"  published  in  London  in  1871,  where  I  then  was.  The  stanzas  were  also 
published;  but  that  need  not  interfere  in  the  least  with  your  desire  to  insert  them 
in  the  second  edition  of  your  History  of  the  Flag,  wherein  I  should  say  they 
would  appropriately  come  in.  The  name  of  the  author  by  whom  they  were  com- 
posed, was  George  Spowers,  Esq.,  and  this  has  never  been  published.  I  think 
it  eminently  due  to  him  now  that  his  name  should  be  given  to  the  public,  con- 
sidering not  only  the  beauty  but  the  admirable  sentiments  of  the  stanzas.  He 
had  seen  in  my  hands  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  original  song,  and  asked  me  to 
lend  it  to  him,  which  I  did.  A  day  or  two  afterwards  he  returned  it  to  me  with 
these  stanzas.  I  was  quite  a  boy  at  the  time,  at  school  with  my  two  brothers  at 
Hampstead,  near  London,  while  my  father  was  residing  in  London  as  minister  of 
the  United  States.  It  must  have  been  about  the  year  1824. 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner.  39 

Mr.  Spowers's  well-meant  but  objectionable  stanza,  because  it,  too, 
drags  our  national  hymn  into  foreign  politics,  reads: 

But  hush'd  be  that  strain!    They  our  Foes  are  no  longer; 

Lo  Britain  the  right  hand  of  Friendship  extends, 
And  Albion's  fair  Isle  we  behold  with  affection 

The  land  of  our  Fathers — the  land  of  our  Friends! 

Long,  long  may  we  flourish,  Columbia  and  Britain, 
In  amity  still  may  your  children  be  found, 
And  the  Star-Spangled  Banner  and  Red  Cross  together 
Wave  free  and  triumphant  the  wide  world  around! 

The  best  known  of. the  additional  stanzas  is  the  one  written  by 
Oliver  Wendell  Holmes,  as  he  informed  Admiral  Preble,  April  14,  1872, 
at  the  request  of  a  lady  during  our  civil  war,  there  being  no  verse 
alluding  to  treasonable  attempt  against  the  flag.  According  to 
Preble  the  stanza  was  first  published  in  the  Boston  Evening  Tran- 
script. Preble  received  a  corrected  and  amended  autograph  of  the 
stanza  from  Holmes,  and  this  he  reproduced  in  facsimile  in  the 
second  edition  of  his  famous  work  (p.  730).  It  reads: 

When  our  land  is  illumined  with  liberty's  smile, 

If  a  foe  from  within  strikes  a  blow  at  her  glory, 
Down,  down  with  the  traitor  that  dares  to  defile 
The  flag  of  the  stars,  and  the  page  of  her  story! 
By  the  millions  unchained 
Who  their  birth-right  have  gained, 
We  will  keep  her  bright  blazon  forever  unstained; 
And  the  star-spangled  banner  in  triumph  shall  wave, 
While  the  land  of  the  free  is  the  home  of  the  brave. 

It  has  been  noticed  ere  this  that  not  only  the  text  of  The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner  but  its  music  is  sung  and  played  with  noticeable 
differences.  These  occur  both  in  the  harmonization  of  the  melody 
and  in  the  melody  itself.  To  trace  the  discrepancies  in  the  harmoni- 
zation would  hardly  be  profitable,  since  the  harmonization  of  any 
melody  will  always  be  to  a  certain  degree  a  matter  of  individual  taste. 
Often  many  ways  are  possible,  several  equally  good — i.  e.,  equally 
appropriate — and  seldom  one  the  only  proper  one.  The  harmonization 
depends,  of  course,  largely  on  the  bass,  and  since  the  harmonization  of 
a  national  song  should  be  simple  and  easily  grasped  by  the  popular 
mind,  there  can  not  be  much  variance  of  opinion  as  to  the  bass. 
However,  historical  considerations  will  hardly  be  helpful  in  this 
direction.  An  authoritative  harmonization  is  less  a  problem  of 
history  than  of  musical  grammar,  and  authoritative  it  can  be  only  for 
those  who  accept  the  harmonization  recommended  by  a  jury  of 
musicians  as  the  authoritative  one  for  the  persons  under  their  own 
musical  jurisdiction.  It  is  somewhat  different  with  the  melody. 
True,  neither  an  act  of  Congress  nor  the  recommendation  of  a  board 
of  musicians  will  stop  the  process  of  polishing  and  modification  (either 
for  better  or  worse)  which  takes  place  with  all  folk,  traditional,  and 
patriotic  songs.  Yet  it  is  obviously  imperative  for  musical  and  other 


40 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 


reasons  that  at  least  the  melody  of  a  national  hymn  have  as  much 
stability  and  uniformity  as  can  be  forced  through  official  channels  on 
the  popular  mind.  The  most  suitable  form  of  the  melody  will  again 
be  a  matter  of  decision  by  a  jury  of  musicians,  yet  it  may  be  interest- 
ing and  instructive  to  contrast  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  as  used 
and  modified,  partly  for  verbal  reasons,  about  1800,  with  the  common 
versions  of  its  offshoot  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  of  to-day,  which 
from  the  beginning  must  have  slightly  differed  from  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven"  by  dint  of  the  peculiarities  of  Key's  poem.  First,  the 
melody  as  it  appears  in  the  Vocal  Enchantress,  1783,  the  earliest 
version  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  will  be  compared  bar  for  bar  with 
"Adams  and  Liberty"  in  the  American  Musical  Miscellany,  1798 
(A.  M.  M.),  and  with  the  version  in  the  Baltimore  Musical  Miscellany, 
1804  (B.  M.  M.).  The  facsimile  of  the  "harmonized"  version  in 
Smith's  "Fifth  Book"  shows  it  to  be  too  garbled  for  purposes  of 
melodic  comparison. 

VOCAL  ENCHANTRESS,  1783. 
1  2  3 


18 


14 


u 


*?=£=£ 


& 


18 


tr  17          CHORUS. 


18 


TF—?=2&^^ 


j        w  u 


19 


21 
tr 


s 


r  f 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 


41 


DIFFERENCES 
3 


;jTrT~c 


A.  M.  M.       B.  M.  M.     A.  M.  M. 


A.  M.  M.       A.  M.  M. 
6 


A.M. 
11 

M.                                      B.  M.  M.                                 A.  M.  W 
12 

[.            B.M.M. 

A.  M. 

r*r= 

M.           B.M.M.                            A.M.M.                               ] 
15,19 

B.M.M. 

—  «  —  «  —  fl-y 

iJ—  —  *«J    —  i^^  —         S  1 

B.M.M. 


A.  M.  M. 

17,21 


B.  M.  M. 


A.  M.  M. 


B.  M.  M. 


A.  M.  M. 


B.M.M. 


Thus  the  so-called  polishing  process  had  begun  within  one  genera- 
tion after  the  "Sons  of  Harmony"  had  adopted  "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven"  as  their  constitutional  song.  How  is  their  club  melody 
sung  to  the  words  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  by  Americans 
young  and  old  at  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century?  For  the 
purpose  of  comparison  I  have  selected  at  random  12  recent  song 
books  and  John  Philip  Sousa's  "National,  patriotic,  typical  airs  of 
all  lands"  (1890),  compiled  "by  authority"  for  use  in  the  United 
States  Navy.  (Sousa.)  If  these  few  differ  so  widely  in  single  bars, 
what  discrepancies  could  be  revealed  if  all  the  song  books  used  in 
our  country  were  similarly  compared! 

1.  W.  H.  Aiken,  Part  songs  for  mixed  voices  for  high  schools,  1908. 

2.  C.  A.  Boyle.     School  praise  and  song,  1903.     (B) 

3.  C.  H.  Farnsworth,  Songs  for  schools,  1906.     (F) 

4.  A.  J.  Gantvoort.     School  music  reader,  1907  (G) 

5.  B.  Jepson's  New  Standard  Music  Readers,  Seventh  year,  1904  (J) 

6.  McLaughlin-Gilchrist,  Fifth  Music  Reader,  1906.     (M) 

7.  Ripley-Tapper,  Harmonic  Fifth  Reader,   1904.     (R) 

8.  E.  Smith,  Music  Course,  Book  Four,  1908.     (Sm) 

9.  J.  B.  Shirley,  Part  songs  for  girl's  voices,  1908  (Sh.) 

10.  H.  O.  Siefert,  Choice  songs,  1902  (Si) 

11.  C.  E.  Whiting,  The  New  public  school  music  course,  Third  reader,  1909  (W) 

12.  E.  J.  A.  Zeiner,  The  High  school  song  book,  1908.    (Z) 


42 


The  Star-Spangled  Banner. 


1,9 


3,10 


3,11 


4,12 


6.  13 


6.14 


M  j-  •- 


-j--« 


7,18 


8,16 


9,17 


18 


20 


n 


•J3 


M 


M 


s 


M 


31 


H 


^1.9 

l< 


3,11 


DIFFERENCES 


5,13 


B;   F;J;Sl;8m;  8h;W;Z    G;    Sh;W.       M. 
6  7,16  9,17 


13 


8h;    W. 
19 


f 


i 


Z  F;G;J;  M;    Sh;        Z.          Sh;W. 

81;      W. 

20  21  ^--^      22 


Bj   G;   J,Sm.    B;F;  G;  J;M; 
81;    Sm;W;Z. 


Sh. 


B;G;J;    8m.     Sh. 


F;  J;81. 
26 


W. 


I 


j  ;.  M 


F ;  G ;  J ;  M. 

26  28 


Sh. 


29 


J.  Sli. 

30 


*          •       • 


W. 


W. 


W. 


J.  Sh.  81. 


H 


F;G;J;       M;S1; 

W.Z. 

82 


I 


B;       Sm.  F;      M;    B;8I;     J;       Z. 

W. 


Sh. 


Sh. 


SOUSA 

1  9 


11 


26 


28 


29 


81 


HAIL  COLUMBIA.0 


"Hail  Columbia"  was  written  in  1798  by  Joseph  Hopkinson 
(1770-1842),  whose  prominence  as  jurist,  combined  with  his  author- 
ship of  "Hail  Columbia,"  has  won  him  a  place  in  biographical 
encyclopaedias.  The  poet  himself  has  described  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  composition  of  his  poem  in  a  letter  written  August 
24,  1840,  to  Rev.  Rufus  W.  Griswold  and  printed  in  The  Wyoming 
Bard,  Wilkesbarre,  Pa.: 

"Hail  Columbia"  was  written  in  the  summer  of  1798,  when  war  with  France 
was  thought  to  be  inevitable.  Congress  was  then  in  session  in  Philadelphia, 
debating  upon  that  important  subject,  and  acts  of  hostility  had  actually  taken 
place.  The  contest  between  England  and  France  was  raging,  and  the  people 
of  the  United  States  were  divided  into  parties  for  the  one  side  or  the  other,  some 
thinking  that  policy  and  duty  required  us  to  espouse  the  cause  of  "republican 
France,"  as  she  was  called,  while  others  were  for  connecting  ourselves  with  Eng- 
land, under  the  belief  that  she  was  the  great  preservative  power  of  good  principles 
and  safe  government.  The  violation  of  our  rights  by  both  belligerents  was  forcing 
us  from  the  just  and  wise  policy  of  President  Washington,  which  was  to  do  equal 
justice  to  both  but  to  part  with  neither,  and  to  preserve  an  honest  and  strict 
neutrality  between  them.  The  prospect  of  a  rupture  with  France  was  exceed- 
ingly offensive  to  the  portion  of  the  people  who  espoused  her  cause,  and  the 
violence  of  the  spirit  of  party  has  never  risen  higher,  I  think  not  so  high,  in  our 
country,  as  it  did  at  that  time  upon  that  question.  The  theatre  was  then  open 
in  our  city.  A  young  man  belonging  to  it,  whose  talent  was  high  as  a  singer,  was 
about  to  take  a  benefit.  I  had  known  him  when  he  was  at  school.  On  this  ac- 
quaintance he  called  on  me  one  Saturday  afternoon,  his  benefit  being  announced 
for  the  following  Monday.  His  prospects  were  very  disheartening;  but  he  said 
that  if'he  could  get  a  patriotic  song  adapted  to  "the  President's  March"  he  did 
not  doubt  of  a  full  house;  that  the  poets  of  the  theatrical  corps  had  been  trying 
to  accomplish  it,  but  had  not  succeeded.  I  told  him  I  would  try  what  I  could 
do  for  him.  He  came  the  next  afternoon,  and  the  song,  such  as  it  is,  was  ready 
for  him.  The  object  of  the  author  was  to  get  up  an  American  spirit  which  should 
be  independent  of,  and  above  the  interests,  passion  and  policy  of  both  belliger- 
ents, and  look  and  feel  exclusively  for  our  honour  and  rights.  No  allusion  is 
made  to  France  or  England,  or  the  quarrel  between  them,  or  to  the  question  which 
was  most  in  fault  in  their  treatment  of  us.  Of  course  the  song  found  favour  with 
both  parties,  for  both  were  American,  at  least  neither  could  disown  the  sentiments 
and  feelings  it  indicated.  Such  is  the  history  of  this  song,  which  has  endured 
infinitely  beyond  the  expectation  of  the  author,  as  it  is  beyond  any  merit  it  can 
boast  of  except  that  of  being  truly  and  exclusively  patriotic  in  its  sentiment  and 
spirit. 

a  Revised  and  enlarged  from  my  essay  "Critical  notes  on  the  origin  of  'Hail  Colum- 
bia,' "  in  the  Sammelbande  d.  I.  M.  G.,  1901,  volume  3,  p.  139-166. 

43 


44  Hail    Columbia. 

The  young  man  who  was  about  to  take  a  benefit  was  Gilbert  Fox, 
to  the  talents  of  whom  Charles  Durang,  the  historian  of  the  Phila- 
delphia stage,  does  not  pay  a  very  high  tribute.  If  we  believe 
Durang,  it  was  the  misfortune  of  Fox  to  have  "created  Hail  Colum- 
bia." His  friends  and  admirers  became  so  numerous  that  his  health, 
and  accordingly  his  career,  were  ruined  by  the  excessive  demands  of 
conviviality. 

The  benefit  with  which  the  tragedy  of  his  life  began,  but  which 
made  his  name  famous  ever  since,  was  thus  advertised  in  the  Porcu- 
pine Gazette,  April  24,  1798:  , 

Mr.  Fox's  Night.  On  Wednesday  Evening,  April  25.  By  Desire  will  be  pre- 
sented (for  the  second  time  in  America)  a  Play,  interspersed  with  Songs,  in  three 
Acts,  called  The  Italian  Monk  ....  after  which  an  entire  New  Song  (written 
by  a  Citizen  of  Philadelphia)  to  the  tune  of  the  "President's  March  "  will  be  sung 
by  Mr.  Fox;  accompanied  by  the  Full  Band  and  the  following  Grand  Chonu: 

Firm  united  let  us  be 
Rallying  around  our  Liberty 
As  a  band  of  brothers  join'd 
Peace  and  Safety  we  shall  find! 

It  was  a  clever  bit  of  advertising  to  have  inserted  the  words  of  the 
"grand  chorus."  Containing  no  party  allusions  they  aroused  the 
public  curiosity  as  to  the  tendency  of  the  song,  and  consequently 
Mr.  Fox  reaped  a  golden  harvest.  The  song  met  with  immediate 
success.  It  was  redemanded  nearly  a  dozen  times  on  that  memorable 
evening  and  had  to  be  sung  by  Mr.  Fox  "for  the  second  time  by 
particular  desire"  on  Friday,  the  next  play  night,  and  again  on  Satur- 
day under  the  name  of  a  "New  Federal  Song."  On  Monday  a  Mr. 
Sully  begged  "leave  to  acquaint  his  friends  and  the  public  that  the 
'New  Federal  Song'  to  the  tune  of  the  President's  March"  would  be 
given  "among  the  Variety  of  Entertainments  performed  at  Rickett's 
Circus  this  Evening  for  his  Benefit." 

The  newspapers  and  magazines  helped  to  spread  the  popularity 
of  the  song.  It  appeared,  for  instance,  in  the  Porcupine  Gazette 
for  Saturday,  April  28,  as  a  "song,"  in  the  April  number  of  the 
Philadelphia  Magazine  as  a  "patriotic  song,"  and  as  early  as  May  7 
in  the  Connecticut  Courant  as  "song." 

But  it  seemed  at  first  as  if  "Hail  Columbia,"  notwithstanding  its 
neutral  spirit,  would  become  more  a  political  than  a  national  song, 
for  Cobbett's  Porcupine  Gazette  entered  on  its  behalf  into  a  passion- 
ate controversy  with  Bache  and  Callender's  Aurora  and  General 
Advertiser.  Thus  Cobbett  violently  attacked  his  political  antagonists 
on  Friday,  April  27,  under  the  heading  "Bache  and  Callender:" 

It  is  not  often  that  I  disgust  my  readers  with  extracts  from  the  vile  paper  these 
fellows  print,  but  that  of  this  morning  contains  several  things  that  merit  to  be 
recorded. 


Hail    Columbia.  45 

The  Theatre.  For  some  days  past,  the  Anglo-Monarchical  party  have  appeared 
at  the  theatre  in  full  triumph  —  and  the  President's  march  and  other  aristocratic 
tunes  have  been  loudly  vociferated  for,  and  vehemently  applauded.  On  Wednes- 
day evening  the  admirers  of  British  tyranny  assembled  in  consequence  of  the 
managers  having  announced  in  the  bills  of  the  day  that  there  would  be  given  a 
patriotic  song  to  the  tune  of  the  President's  March,  all  the  British  Merchant?, 
British  Agents,  and  many  of  our  Congress  tories,  attended  to  do  honour  to  the 
occasion.  When  the  wished  for  song  came,  which  contained,  amidst  the  most 
ridiculous  bombast,  the  vilest  adulation  to  the  anglo-monarchical  party,  and  the 
two  Presidents,  the  extacy  of  the  party  knew  no  bounds,  they  encored,  they 
shouted,  they  became  Mad  as  the  Priestress  of  the  Delphic  God. 

Cobbett  adds: 

This  circumstance  relative  to  the  theatre,  must  have  given  a  rude  shock  to  the 
brain  of  the  few  remaining  Democrats.  It  is  a  lie  to  say  that  the  song  is  an  eulo- 
gium  on  England  or  on  Monarchy.  It  shall  have  a  place  in  this  Gazette  to-morrow 
and  in  the  meantime,  to  satisfy  my  distant  readers  that  the  charge  of  its  being  in 
praise  of  the  English  is  false,  I  need  only  to  observe,  that  it  abounds  in  Eulogiuma 
on  the  men,  who  planned  and  affected  the  American  Revolution! 

The  public  took  Cobbett's  side,  and  the  song  gained  rapidly  in 
favor.  It  was  sung  and  whistled  on  the  streets,  and  soon  no  public 
entertainment  was  considered  as  satisfactory  without  it.  To  quote 
from  McKoy's  reminiscences  in  Poulson's  American  Daily  Adver- 
tiser for  January  13,  1829:  "Such  was  the  popularity  of  this  song 
that  very  frequently  has  Mr.  Gillingham,  leader  of  the  band,  been 
forced  to  come  to  a  full  stop  in  the  foreign  music  he  had  arranged 
for  the  evening  by  the  deafening  calls  for  this  march,  or  song  to  this 
march." 

Hardly  a  week  had  passed  since  Mr.  Fox's  night,  when  another 
Thespian  introduced  the  song  in  New  York.  But  already  the  rather 
vague  title  of  "New  Federal  Song"  had  been  changed  into  that  of 
"Hail  Columbia." 

Cobbett  writes  on  Thursday,  May  3 : 

The  following  is  part  of  an  advertisement  of  the  Entertainment  for  the  last 
Evening  at  the  theatre  New  York. 

End  of  the  Play,  Mr.  Williamson  will  sing  a  new  Patriotic  Song,  called  "Hail 
Columbia:"  Death  or  Liberty.  Received  in  Philadelphia  with  more  reiterated 
Plaudits  than  were  perhaps  ever  witnessed  in  a  theatre. 

When  Mr.  Williamson  again  sang  "Hail  Columbia"  "at  the  End 
of  the  Play"  on  May  18th0  "Death  or  Liberty"  was  dropped,  and 
ever  since  the  song  has  been  known  as  "Hail  Columbia." 

Mr.  Williamson  seems  to  have  been  much  in  vogue  as  a  singer  of 
patriotic  songs.  When  assisting  Mr.  Chalmers  in  his  "Readings  and 
Recitations"  at  Oeller's  Room  in  Philadelphia  on  June  15th  b,  he 
entertained  the  audience  with  "The  Boston  Patriotic  Song:  Adams 

a  Advertisement  in  the  New  York  Gazette  May  15. 
b  Advertisement  in  Porcupine  Gazette  June  13. 


46  Hail    Columbia. 

and  Liberty,"  the  "New  York  Federal  Song:  Washington  and  the 
Constitution/'  and  again  "Hail  Columbia."  When  engaged  for  the 
"Grand  Concert"  at  Ranelagh  Garden  in  New  York  for  July  4th  he 
sang  the  same  three  songs,  and,  we  doubt  not,  much  to  the  delight 
of  a  patriotic  audience. 

Indeed  the  success  of  "Hail  Columbia"  was  "immediate  and 
emphatic"  (Elson).  Far  beyond  the  most  sanguine  expectations  of 
Joseph  Hopkinson !  Including  his  song  in  a  letter  directed  to  George 
Washington  under  date  of  May  9,  1798,  he  wrote:  ° 

As  to  the  song  it  was  a  hasty  composition,  and  can  pretend  to  very  little  ex- 
trinsic merit — yet  I  believe  its  public  reception  has  at  least  equalled  any  thing 
of  the  kind.  The  theatres  here  [Phila.]  and  at  New  York  have  resounded  with 
it  night  after  night;  and  men  and  boys  in  the  streets  sing  it  as  they  go. 

Evidently  not  much  to  the  delight  of  some  reporter  who  calls  it 
(in  the  Centinel  of  Freedom,  Newark,  N.  J.,  July  9,  1799)  the  "old 
thread  worn  song  of  Hail  Columbia." 

As  might  be  expected,  the  words  of  "Hail  Columbia,"  together 
with  the  music  of  the  President's  March,  were  published  shortly  after 
the  first  public  performance  of  the  song.  In  fact  only  two  days  had 
elapsed  when  Benjamin  Carr  inserted  the  following  advertisement:  b 

On  Monday  Afternoon  will  be  published  at  Carr's  Musical  Repository,  the  very 
favourite  New  Federal  Song,  Written  to  the  tune  of  the  President's  March,  By 
J.  Hopkinson,  Esq.  And  sung  by  Mr.  Fox,  at  the  New  Theatre  with  great 
applause,  ornamented  with  a  very  elegant  Portrait  of  the  President  [scil.  John 
Adams]. 

No  copy  of  this  original  edition  of  "Hail  Columbia"  has  come  to 
light.  If  Carr  published  it  at  all  with  Adams's  portrait,  he  probably, 
according  to  his  custom,  added  his  imprint.  This  leads  me  to  now 
believe,  contrary  to  my  remarks  on  former  occasions,  that  the  edition 
which  is  in  Mr.  Louis  C.  Elson's  possession  and  which  he  reproduced 
in  facsimile  in  his  books  "The  National  Music  of  America"  (1900)  and 
"History  of  American  Music"  (1904)  is  not  identical  with  Carr's 
original  edition,  but  of  a  trifle  later  date.  Mr.  Elson's  unique  copy 
shows  the  American  eagle  instead  of  Adams's  portrait  and  it  bears  no 
imprint.  These  differences  are,  of  course,  not  conclusive,  since  Carr 
may  have  been  unable  to  secure  a  suitable  picture,  yet  this  difference, 
together  with  the  fact  that  he  must  have  had  an  edition  in  the  press  and 
that  he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  suppressing  his  imprint,  compels  us  to 
assume  Carr's  edition  and  the  one  in  Mr.  Elson's  possession  not  to 
have  been  identical  until  the  identity  is  proven.  The  title  of  Mr. 
Elson's  copy  reads: 

"The  Favorite  New  Federal  Song  [American  eagle]  Adopted  to  the  Presidents 
March.  Sung  by  Mr.  Fox-  Written  by  J.  Hopkinson  Esqr." 

oComp.  William  S.  Baker's  "Washington  after  the  Revolution,"  1898. 
&  Comp.  Porcupine  Gazette  for  Friday  27. 


Hail    Columbia.  47 

Filling  two  unpaged  inside  pages  of  a  musical  sheet,  it  was  arranged 
in  C  major  "for  the  voice,  pianoforte,  guittar  and  clarinett"  and  this 
arrangement  was  followed,  as  was  customary,  by  an  arrangement  (in 
D  major)  for  the  flute  or  violin.  Among  "new  music.  Just  pub- 
lished" the  Federal  Gazette,  Baltimore,  on  June  25,  1798,  advertised 
"The  President's  March,"  "Hail  Columbia,  happy  land."  This  may 
have  been  a  special  Baltimore  edition  by  Joseph  Carr,  or  it  may  sim- 
ply have  referred  to  Benjamin  Carr's  Philadelphia  edition,  or  to  the 
one  in  Mr.  Elson's  possession,  or  to: 

The  President's  March,  a  new  Federal  Song.  Published  by  G.  Willig,  Marketstreet, 
No.  185.  Phila. 

A  copy  of  this  is  contained  in  a  miscellaneous  volume  of  "Battles 
and  marches"  at  the  Ridgway  branch  of  the  Library  Company  of 
Philadelphia,  and  is  here  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  permission.  (See 
Appendix,  Plates  VII- VIII.)  Willig  published  at  the  above  address, 
as  we  know  from  the  city  directories,  between  1798  and  1803,  but  the 
adjective  new  in  the  title  surely  suggests  the  year  1798.  Under  the 
title  of  "Hail  Columbia"  the  song  was  first  advertised  in  August, 
1798,  among  "patriotic  and  other  favorite  songs"  as  "just  published 
and  for  sale  at  Wm.  Howe's  wholesale  and  retail  warehouse,  320  Pearl 
street, "  New  York,  but  as  Howe  is  merely  known  as  dealer  in  music, 
not  as  a  music  printer  or  music  publisher,  it  stands  to  reason  that  he 
merely  advertised  for  sale  one  or  more  of  the  editions  so  far  published. 

All  these  early  editions  contained  the  words  and  the  music.  The 
text  without  music  (8°  6  p.),  of  which  a  copy  is  in  New  York  Public 
Library,  was  published  at  Philadelphia  under  the  title  of— 

Song  adapted  to  the  President's  march  sung  at  the  Theatre  by  Mr.  Fox,  at  his  benefit. 
Composed  by  Joseph  Hopkinson,  Esq.  Printed  by  J.  Ormrod,  41,  Chestnut 
street. 

Thus  "Hail  Columbia"  rapidly  became  a  national  song  regardless 
of  its  bombastic  and  prosaic  metaphors.  Patriotic  songs  had  been 
written  in  America  showing  this  prevailing  fault  of  the  times  to  a  lesser 
degree,  and  better  songs  followed — among  the  latter,  however,  cer- 
tainly not  the  "New  Hail  Columbia,"  which  begins — 

Lo!  I  quit  my  native  skies — 
To  arms!  my  patriot  sons  arise 

(see  p.  45  of  James  J.  Wilson's  National  Song  Book,  Trenton,  1813), 
but  none,  except  Key's  "Star -Spangled  Banner"  and  Reverend 
Smith's  "America"  were  destined  to  rival  the  popularity  of  "Hail 
Columbia"  for  almost  a  century.  But  as  "America"  was  written  to 
the  tune  of  "God  Save  the  King"  and  the  "Star-Spangled  Banner" 
to  the  drinking  song  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  at  least  "  Hail  Colum- 
bia" may  claim  the  distinction  in  the  history  of  our  early  national 
songs  of  being  in  poetry  and  music  a  product  of  our  soil. 


48  Hail    Columbia. 

W.  T.  R.  Saffell  in  his  book  "Hail  Columbia,  the  Flag,  and  Yankee 
Doodle  Dandy/'  Baltimore,  1864,  when  describing  the  allegorical- 
political  musical  entertainment  of  The  Temple  of  Minerva,  which  was 
performed  at  Philadelphia  in  1781,  points  out  the  two  lines:  "Hail 
Columbia's  godlike  son"  and  "Fill  the  golden  trump  of  fame."  He 
adds:  "Do  not '  Hail  Columbia,'  the  'trump  of  fame,'  and  the  measure 
of  the  chorus,  appear  to  carry  Fayles  back  from  1789  to  1781,  for  his 
music,  and  Hopkinson  from  1798  to  the  same  scene  and  the  same  year 
for  his  words?  Who  can  say  but  our  immortal  'Hail  Columbia'  had 
its  real  origin  in  'The  Temple  of  Minerva,'  or  in  the  surrender  of  Corn- 
wallis,  when  'Magog  among  the  nations'  arose  from  his  lair  at  York- 
town  and  shook,  in  the  fury  of  his  power,  the  insurgent  world  beneath 
him  ?  May  not  Fayles  have  touched  a  key  in  the  '  Temple  of  Minerva ' 
in  1781,  and  revived  the  sound  in  1789?  May  not  the  eye  of  Hopkin- 
son in  1798  have  fallen  upon  the  'Columbian  Parnassiad'  of  1787, 
when  the  'Temple  of  Minerva'  first  entered  the  great  highway  of 
history?  But  none  the  less  glory  for  Mr.  Hopkinson."  The  eye  of 
Joseph  Hopkinson  might  indeed  have  fallen  upon  the  Columbian 
Parnassiad  in  the  Columbian  Magazine  (Philadelphia)  for  April,  1787, 
where  the  "Temple  of  Minerva"  was  printed,  but  "Fayles"  certainly 
did  not  "touch  a  key"  in  this  little  play.  And  this  for  the  very 
simple  reason  that  the  "Oratorio"  (sic)  "was  composed  and  set  to 
Music  by  a  gentleman"  who  signed  himself  H.  With  a  little  critical 
thought  Mr.  Saffell  might  have  suspected  Francis  Hopkinson  to  have 
been  the  author  and  composer  of  "The  Temple  of  Minerva,"  and  so 
he  was  indeed,  as  my  monograph  on  "Francis  Hopkinson  and  James 
Lyon"  (1905)  has  established  beyond  doubt.  Consequently  Mr.  Saf- 
fell's  effort  to  trace  the  "President's  March"  back  to  1781,  by  way  of 
"The  Temple  of  Minerva,"  if  I  understand  his  florid  fantasies  at  all, 
is  demolished  by  plain  historical  facts.  It  is  different  with  his  sug- 
gestion that  the  author  of  "Hail  Columbia"  may  have  been  influenced 
by  "The  Temple  of  Minerva."  Joseph  Hopkinson  of  course  knew 
the  poetry  of  his  father  and  probably  shared  the  admiration  of  many 
contemporaries  for  it.  Hence  it  was  quite  natural  for  him  to  remem- 
ber the  two  lines  quoted  above  and  to  unconsciously  borrow  from 
them  for  his  own  poem.  This  process  was  quite  probable  in  his  own 
peculiar  case,  yet  we  should  bo  careful  not  to  apply  too  zealously  com- 
parative philological  text-criticism  to  the  patriotic  songs  of  those  days 
in  order  to  trace  the  influence  exercised  by  one  poet  upon  the  other. 
Such  apostrophes  as  "Hail  Columbia"  were  frequently  used  by  the 
poet-politicians  and  indeed  their  patriotic  effusions  have  many  stock 
phrases  in  common.  Similar  sentiments  were  then  continually 
expressed  in  similar  methaphors  just  as  they  are  to-day.  Here,  for 
instance,  is  the  first  stanza  of  a  poem  which  Joseph  Hopkinson  might 


Hail    Columbia.  49 

also  have  read  in  his  youth  and  parts  of  which  might  have  lingered  in 
his  memory.  It  was  printed  in  the  Federal  Gazette,  June  23,  1789, 
and  reads: 

A    FEDERAL    SONG 

For  the  Anniversary  of  American  Independence 

To  the  tune  of  "  Rule  Britannia  " 

Ye  Friends  to  this  auspicious  day! 

Come  join  the  fed'ral,  festive  band 
And  all  Columbia — homage  pay 

To  him  who  freed  thy  happy  land. 

Hail  Columbia!  Columbia!  Genius  hail! 
Freedom  ever  shall  prevail. 

National  songs  are  meant  to  be  sung.  The  best  and  most  heart- 
stirring  patriotic  poems  will  soon  be  forgotten  if  not  supported  by  a 
melody  which  catches  the  public  ear.  It  might  be  said  that  Hopkin- 
son's  "Hail  Columbia"  would  have  conquered  the  nation  with  any  of 
the  popular  tunes  of  the  time,  but  the  fact  remains  that  its  immediate 
and  lasting  success  was  actually  obtained  with  the  aid  of  the  "Pres- 
ident's March."  Not  all  the  honor,  therefore,  is  due  to  Joseph  Hop- 
kinson.  We  musicians  are  entitled  to  claim  some  of  the  laurels  for 
the  composer  of  the  tune  which,  no  matter  how  little  its  musical 
value  may  be,  has  become  immortal  together  with  the  words  of  "Hail 
Columbia." 

Until  recently  the  musical  origin  of  "Hail  Columbia"  was  as 
obscure  as  its  literary  history  was  clear.  Not  that  the  composer  had 
been  treated  unkindly  by  the  historians.  They  tried  to  lift  the  veil 
which  covered  his  name,  but  their  accounts  were  so  contradictory 
that  one  claim  stood  in  the  way  of  the  other.  A  methodical  analysis 
of  the  contradictory  accounts  left  the  problem  open,  and  it  became 
probable  that  merely  an  accidental  find  would  enable  us  to  solve  it. 

The  reader  will  have  noticed  that  Hopkinson  mentions  the  ' '  Presi- 
dent's March"  in  his  letter  without  any  allusion  to  its  composer. 
The  same  applies  to  Durang  in  his  "History  of  the  Philadelphia 
Stage"  (1854-55)  to  Dunlap's  "History  of  the  American  Theatre" 
(1823),  to  Wilson's  "National  Song  Book"  (1813),  to  McCarty's 
"Songs,  Odes  and  other  Poems  on  National  Subjects"  (1842),  and  to 
A.  G.  Emerick's  "Songs  for  the  People"  (1848). 

The  critical  investigations  began  1859,  with  an  anonymous  article 
in  Dawson's  "Historical  Magazine"  (Vol.  Ill,  p.  23): 

The  President's  March  was  composed  by  a  Professor  Pfyle,  and  was  played  at 
Trentonbridge  when  Washington  passed  over  on  his  way  to  New  York  to  his 
inauguration.  This  information  I  obtained  from  one  of  the  performers,  confirmed 
afterwards  by  a  son  of  said  Pfyle.  The  song  "Hail  Columbia"  was  written  to 
the  music  during  the  elder  Adam's  administration,  by  Judge  Hopkinson,  and 

85480—09 4 


50  Hail    Columbia. 

was  first  sung  by  Mr.  Fox,  a  popular  singer  of  the  day.  I  well  remember  being 
present  at  the  first  introduction  of  it  at  the  Holiday  street  theatre,  amid  the  clap- 
ping of  hands  and  hissings  of  the  antagonistic  parties.  Black  cockades  were 
worn  in  those  days. 

I  have  also  reason  to  believe  that  the  "Washington  March"  generally  known 
by  that  title — I  mean  the  one  in  key  of  G  major,  was  composed  by  the  lion. 
Francis  Hopkineon,  senior,  having  seen  it  in  a  manuscript  book  of  his,  in  his 
own  handwriting  among  others  of  his  known  compositions. 

J.  C. 

The  above  was  published  in  the  "Baltimore  Clipper"  in  1841,  by  a  person  who 
well  understood  the  subject. 

Evidently  this  person  was  J.  C.,  whose  account  was  simply  reprinted 
from  the  Baltimore  Clipper. 

A  somewhat  different  version  appears  on  page  368  of  the  "Recol- 
lections and  Private  Memoirs  of  Washington,"  by  his  adopted  son 
George  Washington  Parke  Custis,  edited  by  Benson  J.  Lossing  in 
1860. 

In  New  York  the  play  bill  was  headed  "By  particular  Desire"  when  it  was 
announced  that  the  president  would  attend.  On  those  nights  the  house  would 
be  crowded  from  top  to  bottom,  as  many  to  see  the  hero  as  the  play.  Upon  the 
president's  entering  the  stage  box  with  his  family,  the  orchestra  would  strike  up 
"The  President's  March"  (now  Hail  Columbia)  composed  by  a  German  named 
Feyles,  in  '89,  in  contradistinction,  to  the  march  of  the  Revolution,  called  "Wash- 
ington's March". 

The  audience  applauded  on  the  entrance  of  the  president,  but  the  pit  and  gal- 
lery were  so  truly  despotic  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  that  so  soon  as  "Hail 
Columbia"  had  ceased,  "Washington's  March"  was  called  for  by  the  deafening 
din  of  a  hundred  voices  at  once,  and  upon  its  being  played,  three  hearty  cheers 
would  rock  the  building  to  its  base. 

In  the  following  year,  1861,  the  "Historical  Magazine,"  which 
took  a  vivid  interest  in  the  history  of  our  national  songs,  brought 
out  an  article  totally  contradicting  the  two  already  quoted.  The 
article — in  Volume  V,  280,  page  281 — is  headed  "Origin  of  Hail 
Columbia"  and  reads: 

In  1829,  William  Me  Koy  of  Philadelphia,  under  the  signature  "Lang  Syne", 
published  in  Poulson's  Daily  Advertiser  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  song 
"Hail  Columbia",  which  was  set  to  the  music  of  "The  President's  March  "... 
Mr.  Me  Koy's  reminiscences  have  not,  we  believe,  been  reprinted  since  they  were 
originally  published.  The  article  is  as  follows: 

The  seat  of  the  Federal  Government  of  the  thirteen  United  States  being 
removed  to  Philadelphia,  and  in  honour  of  the  new  president,  Washington, 
then  residing  at  No.  190  High  street,  the  march,  ever  since  known  as  "the 
President's  March",  was  composed  by  a  German  teacher  of  music,  in  this  city, 
named  Roth,  or  Roat,  designated  familiarly  by  those  who  knew  him  as  "Old 
Roat".  He  taught  those  of  his  pupils  who  preferred  the  flute,  to  give  to  that 
instrument  the  additional  sound  of  a  drone,  while  playing  in  imitation  of  a 
bagpipe.  His  residence  was  at  one  time  in  that  row  of  houses  standing  back 
from  Fifth,  above  Race  street,  at  the  time  known  as  "The  Fourteen  Chimneys", 
some  of  which  are  still  visible  in  the  rear  ground,  north  eastward  of  Mayer's 


Hail    Columbia.  51 

church.  In  his  person  he  was  of  the  middle  size  and  height.  His  face  was  truly 
German  in  expression,  dark  grey  eyes,  and  bushy  eyebrows,  round,  pointed 
nose,  prominent  lips,  and  parted  chin.  He  took  snuff  immoderately,  having 
his  vest  and  ruffles  usually  well  sprinkled  with  grains  of  rappee.  He  was  con- 
sidered as  excentric,  and  a  kind  of  droll.  He  was  well  known  traditionally, 
at  the  Samson  and  Lion,  in  Crown  street,  where  it  seems  his  company,  in  the 
olden  time,  was  always  a  welcome  to  the  pewter-pint  customers,  gathered  there 
at  their  pipes  and  beer,  while  listening  to  his  facetious  tales  and  anecdotes, 
without  number,  of  high-life  about  town,  and  of  the  players — Nick  Hammond, 
Miss  Tuke,  Hodgkinson,  Mrs.  Pownall,  and  Jack  Martin,  of  the  old  theatre  in 
South wark.  This  said  "President's  March"  by  Roat,  the  popular  songs  of 
Markoe,  the  "city  poet,"  in  particular  the  one  called  "The  Tailor  Done  over" 
and  the  beautiful  air  of  "Dans  Votre  Lit"  which  had  been  rendered  popular 
by  its  being  exquisitely  sung  at  the  time,  by  Wools,  of  the  Old  American  Com- 
pany, were  sung  and  whistled  by  every  one  who  felt  freedom  (of  mind)  to  whistle 
and  to  sing  .  .  . 

Public  opinion  having  .  .  .  released  itself  suddenly  from  a  passion  for 
French  Revolutionary  music  and  song,  experienced  a  vacuum  in  that  parti- 
cular, which  was  immediately  supplied  by  the  new  national  American  song 
of  "Hail  Columbia  happy  Land"  written  in  '98  by  Joseph  Hopkinson,  Esq. 
of  this  city,  and  the  measure  adapted  by  him,  very  judiciously,  to  the  almost 
forgotten  "  President's  March".  Ever  since  1798,  the  song  of  "Hail  Columbia" 
by  Joseph  Hopkinson,  and  the  "President's  March"  by  Johannes  Roat,  being 
indiscriminately  called  for,  have  become,  in  a  manner,  synonymous  to  the 
public  ear  and  understanding  when  they  are  actually  and  totally  distinct  in 
their  origin,  as  above  mentioned. 

Following  the  clue  given  in  this  reprint,  I  found  the  original  article 
in  Poulson's  American  Daily  Advertiser  for  Tuesday,  January  13, 1829, 
under  the  heading  "President's  March."  Though  this  article  ap- 
pears anonymous,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  Mr.  McKoy  having  been 
the  author,  for  we  know  from  "Watson's  Annals  of  Philadelphia" 
that  it  was  he  who  wrote  the  series  of  articles  on  olden  times  in 
Philadelphia,  published  in  said  paper  during  the  years  1828  and  1829 
and  mostly  signed  "Auld  Lang  Syne." 

In  the  same  year  that  this  gentleman's  account  was  reprinted  in  the 
Historical  Magazine,  Richard  Grant  White's  "National  Hymns,  How 
They  Are  Written  and  How  They  Are  Not  Written,"  left  the  press. 
What  this  author  has  to  say  on  the  origin  of  the  "President's  March" 
is  contained  in  a  footnote  on  page  22 : 

.  .  .  The  air  to  which  Hopkinson  wrote  "Hail  Columbia"  was  a  march  written 
by  a  German  band  master  on  occasion  of  a  visit  of  Washington,  when  President, 
to  the  old  John  Street  Theatre  in  New  York. 

A  similar  view  as  to  the  musical  origin  of  the  song  is  held  by  W.  T.  R. 
Saffell  in  his  book  "Hail  Columbia,  the  Flag,  and  Yankee  Doodle 
Dandy,  Baltimore,  1864."  He  says,  on  page  53: 

A  piece  of  music  set  for  the  harpsichord,  entitled  the  "President's  March"  was 
composed  in  1789,  by  a  German  named  Fayles,  on  the  occasion  of  Washington's 
first  visit  to  a  theatre  in  New  York. 


52  Hail    Columbia. 

Rev.  Elias  Nason,  on  page  33  of  his  monograph,  "A  Monogramm  on 
Our  National  Song  .  .  .  1869,"  is  equally  meager,  equally  omniscient, 
and  equally  opposed  to  giving  authorities  when  he  writes: 

...  on  Washington's  first  attendance  at  the  theatre  in  New  York,  1789,  a 
German  by  the  name  of  Fyles  composed  a  tune  to  take  place  of  "Washington's 
March,"  christening  it  with  the  name  of  "President's  March." 

Some  years  later,  in  1872,  Benson  J.  Lossing  reprinted  in  Volume 
I  (pp.  550-554)  of  his  "American  Historical  Record"  a  paper  on 
"The  Star-Spangled  Banner  and  National  Airs,"  which  the  Hon. 
Stephan  Salisbury  had  read  before  the  American  Antiquarian  Society, 
October  21,  1872.  In  regard  to  "Hail  Columbia"  this  author  says: 

Poulson's  Advertiser  of  1829  mentions  that  this  song  was  set  to  the  music  of 
"the  President's  March"  by  Johannes  Roth,  a  German  music  teacher  in  that 
city.  And  the  Historical  Magazine,  vol.3,  page  23,  quotes  from  the  Baltimore 
Clipper  of  1841  that  the  "President's  March"  was  composed  by  Professor  Phyla 
of  Philadelphia,  and  was  played  at  Trenton  in  1789,  when  Washington  passed  over 
to  New  York  to  be  inaugurated,  as  it  was  stated  by  a  son  of  Professor  Phyla,  who 
was  one  of  the  performers. 

Rear-Admiral  George  Henry  Preble,  in  his  "History  of  the  Flag  of 
the  United  States;  Boston,  1880,"  wrote: 

The  "President's  March"  was  a  popular  air,  and  the  adaptation  easy.  It  was 
composed  in  honour  of  President  Washington,  then  residing  at  No.  190  High  Street 
Philadelphia,  by  a  teacher  of  music,  named  Roth,  a  or  Roat,  familiarly  known 
as  "Old  Roat."  He  was  considered  as  an  excentric,  and  kind  of  a  droll,  and 
took  snuff  immoderately.  Philip  Roth,  teacher  of  music,  described  as  living  at 
25  Crown  Street,  whose  name  appears  in  all  the  Philadelphia  directories  from 
1791  to  1799,  inclusive,  was  probably  the  author  of  the  march. 

According  to  his  son,  who  asserted  he  was  one  of  the  performers,  the  march  was 
composed  by  Professor  Phyla,  of  Philadelphia,  and  was  played  at  Trenton,  in 
1789,  when  Washington  passed  over  to  New  York  to  be  inaugurated. & 

a  Poulson's  Advertiser  1829. 

&  Historical  Magazine,  Volume  III,  23. 
Baltimore  Clipper,  1841. 

American  Historical  Record  Volume  I,  53.     Hon.  S.  Salisbury's  paper  before 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society  1872. 

John  Bach  McMaster,  the  celebrated  author  of  "A  History  of  the 
People  of  the  United  States;  New  York,"  has  something  to  say  on 
the  subject  in  Volume  I,  on  pages  564-565: 

At  the  John  street  theatre  in  New  York,  "  in  a  box  adorned  with  fitting  emblems, 
the  President  was  to  be  seen  much  oftener  than  many  of  the  citizens  approved. 
On  such  occasions  the  'President's  March'  was  always  played.  It  had  been 
composed  by  Phyles,  the  leader  of  the  few  violins  and  drums  that  passed  for  the 
orchestra,  and  played  for  the  first  time  on  Trenton  Bridge  as  Washington  rode 
over  on  his  way  to  be  inaugurated.  The  air  had  a  martial  ring  that  caught  the 
ear  of  the  multitude,  soon  became  popular  as  Washington's  March,  and  when 
Adams  was  President,  in  a  moment  of  great  party  excitement  Judge  Hopkinson 
wrote  and  adapted  to  it  the  famous  lines  beginning  'Hail  Columbia.'  " 


Hail    Columbia.  53 

Mary  L.  D.  Ferris,  in  a  clever  but  superficial  causerie  on  "Our 
National  Songs"  in  the  New  England  Magazine,  new  series,  July, 
1890  (pp.  483-504),  expresses  her  opinion  briefly,  thus: 

The  music  of  Hail  Columbia  was  composed  in  1789,  one  hundred  years  ago, 
by  Professor  Phylo  of  Philadelphia,  and  played  at  Trenton,  when  Washington 
was  en  route  to  New  York  to  be  inaugurated.  The  tune  was  originally  called 
the  President's  March. 

In  the  same  year  (1890)  appeared  John  Philip  Sousa's  semi  official 
work, "  National,  Patriotic,  and  Typical  Airs  of  All  Lands  with  Copious 
Notes,  compiled  by  order  and  for  use  of  the  Navy  Department."  Of 
the  "President's  March"  Sousa  remarks: 

On  the  occasion  of  Gen.  Washington's  attendance  at  the  John  St.  Theatre  in 
New  York,  in  1789,  a  German  named  Fyles,  who  was  leader  of  the  orchestra, 
composed  a  piece  in  compliment  of  him  and  called  it  the  "President's  March," 
which  soon  became  a  popular  favorite. 

In  the  first  of  a  series  of  articles  on  our  national  songs,  published 
1897,  April  29,  in  the  Independent,  E.  Irenaeus  Stevenson  maintains 
that  "Hail  Columbia"  is  rather  a  "personal"  than  a  national  song, 
having  been,  as  he  imagines,  written  in  honor  of  George  Washington. 
But  this  is  not  his  only  blunder,  for  he  not  even  knew  that  the  "Wash- 
ington's March"  and  the  "President's  March"  were  two  entirely 
different  pieces. 

The  very  air  to  the  words  confirms  one  in  wishing  that  "  Hail  Columbia  "  would 
remain  solely  an  artless  souvenir  belonging  to  Washington.  For  the  tune  was  not 
written  to  Judge  Hopkinson's  words.  It  was  a  little  instrumental  march,  called 
"Washington's  March,"  of  vast  vogue  circa  1797,  a  march  composed  in  honour 
of  the  first  President  by  a  German  musician  named  Phazles,  Phylz,  Phyla,  or 
Pfalz,  of  New  York.  Phazles  looked  after  musical  matters  in  the  old  theatre  on 
John  Street;  and  apparently  he  really  wrote,  not  imported,  the  tune.  Judge 
Hopkinson  fitted  to  it  the  address  to  Washington,  in  1798. 

When  George  Washington,  on  Sunday,  May  27, 1798,  acknowledged 
the  receipt  of  "Hail  Columbia"  sent  to  him  by  Joseph  Hopkinson 
on  May  9,  he  "offered  an  absence  for  more  than  eight  days  from  home 
as  an  apology  for  .  .  .  not  giving  ...  an  earlier  acknowledg- 
ment." The  polite  note  has  been  reprinted  by  William  S.  Baker  in 
his  work  already  quoted.  Baker  adds  the  following  editorial  foot- 
note: 

The  song  referred  to  in  the  above  quoted  letter  was  the  national  air,  "Hail 
Columbia,"  the  words  of  which  were  written  by  Joseph  Hopkinson  and  adapted 
to  the  music  of  the  "President's  March"  composed  in  1789  by  a  German  named 
Feyles,  who  at  the  time  was  the  leader  of  the  orchestra  at  the  John  Street  Theatre 
in  New  York. 

A  similar  version  appears  in  S.  J.  Adair  FitzGerald's  Stories  of 
Famous  Songs.  London,  1897,  on  page  100: 

The  music  was  taken  from  a  piece,  called  "The  President's  March,"  which 
had  seen  the  light  ten  years  previously.  It  was  composed  by  a  German  named 
Fyles  on  some  special  visit  of  Washington's  to  the  John  Street  Theatre,  New  York. 


64  Hail    Columbia. 

Col.  Nicholas  Smitli  in  his  "Stories  of  Great  National  Songs," 
Milwaukee,  1899,  becomes  involuntarily  humorous,  when  saving  (on 
p.  41): 

The  "President's  March"  waa  composed  in  1789  by  a  German  professor  in 
Philadelphia,  named  Phylo,  alias  Feylee,  alias  Thyla,  alias  Phyla,  alias  Roth, 
and  waa  first  played  at  Trenton  when  Washington  was  on  his  way  to  New  York 
to  be  inaugurated  president. 

The  few  lines  which  Howard  Futhey  Brinton  says  to  the  subject  in 
his  "Patriotic  Songs  of  the  American  People,"  New  Haven,  1900, 
may  also  find  a  place  here: 

Of  the  then  current  tunes  none  caught  the  popular  fancy  more  than  the  "  Presi- 
dent's March,"  which  had  been  composed  in  1789  by  a  German  named  Feyles, 
in  honour  of  General  Washington. 

Louis  C.  Elson  is  the  last  writer  whom  I  have  to  quote.  In  his 
widespread  work  "The  National  Music  of  America  and  its  Sources, 
Boston,  1900,"  we  read  (on  pp.  157-159)  a  very  much  more  elaborate 
account  than  the  last  ones  mentioned: 

...  it  is  definitely  known  that  the  composition  was  written  in  1789,  and  that 
it  was  called  "The  President's  March."  Regarding  ite  first  performance  and 
its  composer  there  is  some  doubt.  William  Me.  Koy  in  "Poulson's  Advertiser" 
for  1829  states  that  the  march  was  composed  by  a  German  musician  in  Phila- 
delphia, named  Johannes  Roth.  He  is  also  called  "Roat"  and  "Old  Roat"  in 
some  accounts.  That  there  was  a  Philip  Roth  living  in  Philadelphia  at  about 
this  time  may  be  easily  proved,  for  his  name  is  found  in  the  city  directories  from 
1791  to  1799.a  He  appears  as  "Roth,  Philip,  teacher  of  music,  25  Crown  St." 
Washington  at  this  time  was  a  fellow  citizen  of  this  musician  for  he  lived  at  190 
High  Street,  Philadelphia. 

But  there  is  another  claimant  to  the  work.  There  was  also  in  Philadelphia 
at  this  time  a  German  musician,  whose  name  is  spelled  in  many  different  ways 
by  the  commentators.  He  is  called  " Phyla",  "  Philo",  " Pthylo"  and  "  Pfyles" 
by  various  authors.  None  of  these  seems  like  a  German  name,  but  it  is  possible 
that  the  actual  name  may  have  been  Pfeil.&  This  gentleman  of  doubtful  cog- 
nomen claims  the  authorship  of  the  march  in  question,  or  rather  his  son  has 
claimed  it  for  him.  The  march  is  also  claimed  by  this  son  to  have  been  first 
played  on  Trenton  Bridge  as  Washington  rode  over,  on  his  way  to  the  New  York 
inauguration.  Richard  Grant  White,  however,  states,  on  what  authority  we 
know  not,  that  the  work  was  first  played  on  the  occasion  of  a  visit  of  Washington 
to  the  old  John  Street  Theatre  in  New  York. 

It  is  evident  that  all  these  different  accounts  are  based  directly  or 
indirectly  upon  the  three  contradictory  versions  of  William  McKoy 
in  Poulson's  Advertiser,  1829,  of  J.  C.  hi  the  Baltimore  Clipper,  1841, 
and  of  George  Washington  Parke  Custis,  1860.  Later  accounts  con- 

o  History  of  the  Flag  of  the  United  States,  by  Rear  Admiral  Geo.  Henry  Preble, 
p.  719. 

&  Through  the  courtesy  of  John  W.  Jordan,  Esq.,  librarian  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania,  we  learn  that  the  first  Philadelphia  "  City  Directory"  was  published 
in  1785,  the  second  in  1791.  In  neither  of  these  does  the  name  of  any  musician  bear- 
ing any  reasemblance  to  the  ones  given  above  appear. 


Hail    Columbia.  55 

tain  nothing  substantially  new  except  when  confusing  the  problem 
by  incorrect  and  uncritical  quotations  from  unmentioned  sources, 
as  in  the  case  of  Rev.  Elias  Nason  who  inaccurately  copied  R.  Grant 
White's  superficial  footnote. 

If  our  problem  can  be  solved,  it  will  be  possible  only  by  critically 
investigating  pro  et  contra  the  data  given  in  the  reports  of  1829,  1841, 
and  1860. 

These  data  are: 

1.  The  march  ever  since  known  as  the  "President's  March"  was 
composed  by  a  German  teacher  of  music  in  Philadelphia,  named 
Johannes  Roat  or  Roth,  ' '  the  seat  of  the  Federal  Government  of  the 
thirteen  United  States  being  removed  to  Philadelphia  and  in  honour 
of  the  new  President  Washington,  then  residing  at  No.  190  High 
street"  (Me.  Koy). 

2)  The  President's  March  was  composed  by  Professor  Pfyle  and 
was  played  at  Trentonbridge  when  Washington  passed  over  on  his 
way  to  New  York  to  his  inauguration.     (Information  obtained  by 
J.  C.  from  "one  of  the  performers"  confirmed  afterwards  by  a  son 
of  said  Pfyle.) 

3)  The  President's  March  was  composed  by  a  German,  named 
Feyles  in  1789  and  was  played  upon  President  George  Washington's 
entrance  into  the  stage   box  with  his  family.     (Recollections   by 
George  Washington  Parke  Custis.) 

To  begin  with  the  first  version:  Who  was  this  German  teacher  of 
music,  by  the  name  of  Roth? 

Even  the  most  careful  research  in  the  old  newspapers,  magazines, 
directories,  and  in  books  relating  to  the  early  theatrical  and  musical 
life  of  the  United  States  will  add  but  very  little  to  the  following  few 
items:  I  find  Roth  first  mentioned  in  the  year  1771.  On  December 
5  a  concert  advertised  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  for  November  28, 
by  "Mr.  John  M'Lean  (Instructor  of  the  German  Flute)"  in  Phila- 
delphia, was  to  "conclude  with  an  overture,  composed  (for  the  occa- 
sion) by  Philip  Roth,  master  of  the  band  belonging  to  his  Majesty's 
Royal  Regiment  of  British  Fusiliers." 

Not  until  1785  have  I  again  found  his  name  mentioned.  But  in 
this  year  we  read  his  name  in  the  first  City  Directory  of  Philadelphia, 
published  by  White.  He  appears  there  as  "Roots,  Philip,  music 
maker,  Sixth  between  Arch  and  Race  streets."  We  next  read  his 
name  in  an  advertisement  in  the  Pennsylvania  Journal  (Phila.)  for 
September  10,  1788. 

"Mr.  Roth,  Music  Master  in  Pennington  Alley,  running  from  Race  to  Vine 
Streets,  between  Fourth  and  Fifth  Streets,  teacher  all  kinds  of  Instrumental 
Music  in  the  shortest  manner,  viz.  Harpsichord  or  Piano  Forte,  Guitar,  Flute, 
Hautboy,  Clarinet,  Bassoon,  French  Horn,  Harp  and  Thorough  Bass,  which  ia 
the  Ground  of  Music." 


56  Hail    Columbia. 

The  third  item  which  I  was  able  to  trace  shows  Roth  again  as  a 
composer. 

The  "Columbian  Magazine"  (Phila.)  brought  out  in  the  April 
number  of  1790  "A  Hunting  Song.  Set  to  Music  by  Mr.  Roth,  of 
Philadelphia."  It  is  written  in  E  flat  major  and  in  the  intentionally 
simple  style  of  the  German  Volkslieder  of  that  period,  to  the  words: 
"Ye  sluggards  who  murder  your  lifetime  in  bed,  etc."  Needless  to 
say  that  the  song  is  of  little  musical  value. 

The  first  directory  for  Philadelphia  had  been  published  in  1785. 
The  second  was  issued  in  1791,  the  third  in  1793;  after  that  the 
directory  was  issued  annually.  In  all  these,  till  1805,  we  run  across 
the  "musician"  or  "teacher  of  music"  or  "music  master"  Philip 
Roth,  his  name  being  spelled  from  1803-1805  "Rothe."  He  lived 
from  1791  to  1794  in  25  Crownst;  from  1799-1803  in  33  Crownst, 
whereas  for  the  years  1795-1798  his  residence  is  given  without  a 
house  number  as  in  "Crownst."  We  find  in  the  directory  for  1806 
"Rote,  widow  of  Philip,  music  master,  94  N.  Seventh."  This  would 
suggest  1805  as  date  of  his  death,  but  Mr.  Drummond  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Pennsylvania  informed  me  that  the  city  records  show  Roth 
to  have  died  in  1804. 

That  Philip  Roth,  besides  teaching  "  all  kinds  of  instrumental  music 
in  the  shortest  manner,"  played  in  the  concert  and  opera  orchestras  of 
Philadelphia  is  highly  probable,  but  he  never  appears  as  a  soloist  or  as 
a  composer  in  the  many  concerts  given  there  till  1800,  the  programmes 
of  which  I  have  copied  as  far  as  I  was  able  to  trace  them  in  the 
newspapers. 

Of  course,  the  last  remark  interferes  in  no  way  with  the  possibil- 
ity of  his  having  composed  the  "President's  March."  Mr.  McKoy's 
claims  must  be  considered  as  not  contrary  to  chronology  and  cir- 
cumstances in  regard  to  Roth's  person,  and  his  misspelling  the 
name  and  calling  him  Johannes  instead  of  Philip  matters  very  little. 
But  otherwise  his  claims  are  suspicious,  though  he  seems  to  have 
known  Roth  well. 

The  reader  will  have  noticed  that  McKoy  does  not  mention  the 
year  in  which  the  "President's  March"  was  composed.  This  is 
of  importance,  as  his  narrative  excludes  the  years  1774-1788,  during 
which  we  had  fifteen  presidents  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
also  the  year  1789,  when  George  Washington  became  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  seat  of  government  was  not  removed 
to  Philadelphia  until  the  fall  of  1790.  It  had  been,  from  1789  to 
the  date  of  removal,  in  New  York  and  not  in  Philadelphia.  If, 
therefore,  McKoy's  statement  is  correct  the  march  was  composed 
in  1790.  In  this  case  however  the  remark  "in  honour  of  the  new 
President"  loses  its  sense. 


Hail    Columbia.  57 

But  the  lines  might  represent  an  excusable  slip  of  memory,  and 
the  march  might  have  been  written  by  Roth  and  played  in  honor  of 
the  President  when  passing  through  Philadelphia  on  his  way  to 
New  York  in  1789. 

Washington  left  Mount  Vernon  on  the  16th  of  April;  reached 
Philadelphia  on  the  20th  and  continued  his  voyage  the  following 
day.0  The  Pennsylvania  Journal  (W.,  April  22),  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Mercury  (T.,  April  21),  the  Independent  Gazetteer  (T.,  April 
21),  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  (T.,  April  21),  the  Freeman's  Journal 
(W.,  April  22),  and  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette  (W.,  April  22)  all  give 
an  account  of  the  President's  reception  at  Philadelphia,  but  none 
of  these  papers,  except  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  refer  to  any 
music  having  been  played  at  the  entertainment  and  this  paper  only 
in  a  vague  way: 

"Philadelphia,  April  22. 

Monday  last  His  Excellency  George  Washington,  Esq.,  the  President  Elect 
of  the  United  States,  arrived  in  this  city,  about  one  o'clock,  accompanied  by 
the  President  of  the  State  .  .  .  troops  .  .  .  and  a  numerous  concourse  of  citizens 
on  horseback  and  foot. 

His  Excellency  rode  in  front  of  the  procession,  on  horseback  .  .  .  The  bells 
were  rung  thro'  the  day  and  night,  and  a  feu  de  joy  was  fired  as  he  moved  down 
Market  and  Second  Street  to  the  City  Tavern  ...  At  three  o'clock  His  Excel- 
lency sat  down  to  an  elegant  Entertainment  of  250  covers  at  the  City  Tavern, 
prepared  for  him  by  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  A  band  of  music  played 
during  the  entertainment  and  a  discharge  of  artillery  took  place  at  every  toast 
among  which  was,  the  State  of  Virginia." 

This  meager  notice  and  the  silence  of  the  other  papers  in  regard  to 
music  are  significant.  Had  the  band  played  a  march  composed  in 
honor  of  the  illustrious  guest,  the  papers  would  have  mentioned  the 
fact,  as  it  was  their  habit  of  doing  on  similar  occasions.  This  state- 
ment can  be  proved  over  and  over  and  will  be  supported  by  all  who 
have  had  occasion  to  study  our  early  newspapers  and  their  habits. 

For  the  same  reasons,  Mr.  McKoy's  claims,  even  if  taken  literally, 
which  would  imply  that  the  President's  March  was  written  in  1790 
when  the  seat  of  government  was  actually  removed  to  Philadelphia, 
contain  no  evidential  strength. 

During  the  President's  short  stay  in  Philadelphia: 

...  an  elegant  Fete  Champetre  was  given  to  this  illustrous  personage,  his 
amiable  consort  and  family  .  .  .  [Sept.  4.]  on  the  banks  of  the  Schuylkill,  in 
the  highly  improved  grounds  of  the  messrs.  Gray,  by  a  number  of  respectable 
citizens.  .  .  A  band  of  music  played  during  the  repast,  and  at  the  close  of  the 
repast  several  excellent  songs  were  sung,  and  toasts  were  given. 

Neither  this  account  which  appeared  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet 
for  Wednesday,  September  8,  1790,  nor  any  other,  mentions  a  piece 

oComp.  McMaster,  I,  538  or  Baker. 


58  Hail    Columbia. 

of  music  composed  "for  the  occasion."  It  would  have  been  quite 
contrary  to  the  practice  of  our  early  newspapers  to  have  omitted 
reference  to  a  piece  written  and  played  in  honor  of  the  new  president. 

Consequently  McKoy's  version,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
contemporary  and  fellow-citizen  of  Philip  Roth,  becomes  very 
doubtful.  Had  he  attributed  the  "President's  March"  to  this 
musician  without  going  into  details,  his  case  would  have  been  much 
stronger.  We  then  might  have  admitted  the  probability  that  he 
knew  the  history  of  the  march  either  from  Roth  himself  or  from 
others  conversant  with  the  matter. 

In  its  actual  form,  however,  McKoy's  statement  not  only  contains 
a  contradictio  in  adjecto,  but  it  is  contradicted  moreover  by  two  of  his 
contemporaries,  one  of  whom  claimed  to  have  been  among  the 
original  performers  of  the  march  and  the  other  to  have  been  a  son 
of  the  composer.  If  the  claims  made  for  Roth  had  been  known  to 
either  of  these  two  gentlemen,  they  emphatically  would  have  denied 
their  correctness,  and  at  least  a  short  reference  to  this  protest  would 
have  slipped  into  J.  C.'s  account.  Evidently  Philip  Roth  was  not 
generally  considered  outside  of  Philadelphia  as  author  of  the  march, 
nay,  not  even  in  Philadelphia  itself,  for  we  shall  see  that  "Professor 
Pfyle, "  too,  resided  for  years  in  Philadelphia.  Certainly  his  son 
would  have  heard  of  Roth's  claims  if  such  were  made,  and  he 
would  not  have  failed,  in  his  conversation  with  J.  C.,  to  prove  the 
fallacy  of  claims  which  unjustly  robbed  his  father  of  the  glory  of 
having  written  the  air  to  one  of  our  national  songs. 

On  what  grounds  Mr.  McKoy  attributes  the  piece  to  Roth  we  have 
no  way  of  ascertaining.  We  have  to  content  ourselves  with  the  fact 
that  chronology  and  circumstances  command  weight  against  his 
theory.  Unless  an  early  copy  of  the  President's  March  is  discovered, 
printed  or  in  manuscript,  bearing  Roth's  name  as  author,  it  would  be 
uncritical  to  accept  his  authorship  as  a  historical  fact. 

But  who  was  "Professor  Pfyle,"  alias  Fayles,  alias  Feyles,  alias 
Fyles,  alias  Pfalz,  alias  Pfazles,  alias  Pfeil,  alias  Pfyles,  alias  Philo, 
alias  Phyla,  alias  Phyles,  alias  Phylo,  alias  Phylz,  alias  Thyla? 

J.  C.'s  spelling  seems  to  corroborate  Elson's  idea  that  the  actual 
name  was  the  German  "Pfeil,"  anglicized  later  on  into  Ffyle.  But 
the  numerous  instances  in  which  the  name  of  this  "gentleman  of 
doubtful  cognomen"  appears  in  newspaper  advertisements,  etc.,  leave 
no  doubt  that  in  America  he  spelled  his  name  Phile.  Only  once  is 
the  name  given  with  a  different  spelling.  This  name  of  Phile  was 
not  so  uncommon  after  all  in  America,  as  I  find  five  different  "Phile's" 
in  the  two  first  Philadelphia  city  directories. 

On  Saturday,  March  6,  1784,  a  concert  was  advertised  at  Philadel- 
phia, in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet,  "For  the  Benefit  of  Mr.  Phile,"  in 
which  he  and  a  Mr.  Brown  "for  that  night  only"  were  to  play  "A 


Hail    Columbia.  59 

Double  Concerto  for  the  Violin  and  Flute."  This  concert  was  post- 
poned from  March  18  to  the  following  Tuesday,  March  23.  Previous 
to  1784  I  have  not  found  Phile  mentioned. 

He  must  have  been  an  able  violinist,  for  when  the  Old  American 
Company  of  Comedians  returned  in  1785  to  the  Continent  from  the 
West  Indies,  where  they  had  sought  refuge  in  the  fall  of  1774,  he  was 
made  leader  of  the  orchestra.  To  quote  Charles  Durang,  who  in  his 
rare  and  interesting  "History  of  the  Philadelphia  Stage"  (Ch.  IX) 
throws  "professional  side  lights"  on  the  different  performers  in  1785: 

The  orchestra  was  composed  of  the  following  musicians;  Mr.  Philo,  leader; 
Mr.  Bentley,  harpsichord;  Mr.  Woolf,  principal  clarionet;  Trimner,  Hecker,  and 
son,  violoncello,  violins  etc.  Some  six  or  seven  other  names,  now  not  remem- 
bered, constituted  the  musical  force.  The  latter  were  all  Germans. 

On  July  18,  1786,  was  to  be  performed  in  New  York,0  under  the 
direction  of  Mr.  Reinagle,  the  "vocal  parts  by  Miss  Maria  Storer," 
"A  Grand  Concert  of  Vocal  and  Instrumental  Music."  The  first 
part  of  the  concert  was  to  consist  "chiefly  of  Handel's  Sacred  Music, 
as  performed  in  Westminster  Abbey.  The  Second  Part  miscellane- 
ous." Phile  was  engaged  as  soloist  in  the  first  part,  his  name  appear- 
ing thus  hi  the  program:  "Concerto  Violin  .  .  .  Mr.  Phile,"  and 
Mr.  Reinagle  and  Mr.  Phile  were  to  play  a  "Duett  for  Violin  and 
Violoncello"  in  the  second  part. 

We  next  find  him  at  Philadelphia  in  1787 6  and  again  in  connection 
with  a  concert.  It  was  the  one  for  Monday,  January  15,  at  the 
Southwark  Theater.  The  concert  was  interspersed  with  "Lectures 
Moral  and  Entertaining,"  and  concluded  with  the  "Grand  Panto- 
inimical  Finale.  In  two  Acts  called  Robinson  Crusoe."  We  read  in 
the  "First  Act":  "Rondeau— Mr.  Phile." 

He  can  not  have  remained  very  long  in  Philadelphia,  because  we 
find  him  a  month  after  his  concert  engagement  in  Philadelphia 
at  New  York  and  offering  his  services  as  music  teacher.  The  adver- 
tisement reads  :c 

Music.  Philip  Phile,  most  respectfully  offers  his  service  to  Lovers  of  Instru- 
mental Musick,  in  Teaching  the  Violin  and  German  Flute  methodically.  Attend- 
ance will  be  given  at  his  Lodgings  No.  82  Chatham  Row,  near  Vande  Waters.  He 
will  also  wait  on  such  Gentlemen,  as  would  wish  to  take  Lessons,  at  their  own 
Houses. 

N.  B.    Musick  copied  at  the  above  mentioned  place.  Feb.  20. 

Not  quite  two  months  after  this  advertisement  was  inserted  Phile 
reappeared  in  public  hi  Philadelphia,  and  it  seems  as  if  he  was  ex- 
pressly called  from  New  York.  The  "Syllabus"  of  the  magnificent 
"First  Uranian  Concert,"  which  was  performed  at  the  German 

«N.  Y.  Packet  1786,  July  13. 

bPa.  Packet,  Jan.  13,  1787. 

«N.  Y.  Daily  Advertiser,  Feb.  21,  1787. 


60  Hail    Columbia. 

Reformed  Church  on  April  12,  1787,  under  the  direction  of  the  ambi- 
tious Andrew  Adgate,0  contains  his  name  among  the  "Authors"  in 
the  following  manner:  "IV  ...  Concerto  Violino  By  Mr.  Phile  of 
New  York." 

In  the  following  year  ' '  Mr.  Rehine's  Concert  of  Vocal  and  Instru- 
mental Music,"  which  was  to  have  taken  place  on  November  26  at  the 
City  Tavern  in  Philadelphia,  was  ' '  postponed  on  account  of  the  bad- 
ness of  the  weather  'till  Friday  Evening  the  29th."1  In  this  concert 
the  restless  Mr.  Phile  was  to  play  "  Solo  Violino"  in  the  first  act. 6 

An  entire  "Amateurs  Concert"  was  given  "For  the  Benefit  of 
Philip  Phile"  on  January  29,  1789,  "at  the  house  of  Henry  Epple  in 
Racestreet."  The  orchestral  numbers  were  three  "Grand  Over- 
tures" by  Vanhall,  Haydn,  and  Martini.  As  soloists  we  notice 
Reinagle  with  a  pianoforte  sonata,  Wolf  with  a  "Concerto  Clarinetto," 
and  Phile.  The  latter  played  in  the  first  act  a  "Concerto  Violino" 
and  in  the  second  a  "Solo  Violino." 

It  really  seems  as  if  Phile  was  the  fashionable  violin  virtuoso  of  the 
day,  constanly  "on  the  road"  between  New  York  and  Philadelphia, 
for  again  a  "Violin  Concerto  by  Phile"  was  to  be  performed  at  "A 
Concert  of  Sacred  Music"  which  the  recently  founded  "Musical 
Society  of  New  York"  gave  on  Thursday,  June  18,  1789,  at  the 
Lutheran  Church  in  order  to  cover  the  expenses  resulting  from  the 
purchase  of  an  organ  by  the  Society.6 

It  may  be  that  during  all  these  years  Phile  remained  the  leader  of 
the  orchestra  of  the  Old  American  Company,  but  it  is  by  no  means 
certain,  as  the  fact  is  nowhere  mentioned.  We  only  know  (from 
Durang)  that  he  held  this  position  about  1785.  If  some  of  the 
writers  whom  I  have  quoted  claim  that  he  was  the  leader  of  the 
orchestra  in  the  John  Street  Theater  at  New  York  in  1789,  they  forgot 
to  refer  to  their  source  of  information,  and  therefore  can  not  be  con- 
sidered as  historically  trustworthy. 

Phile  became  tired  of  his  erratic  life  and  he  decided  to  "continue 
his  residence  "  in  Philadelphia.  Of  this  decision  he  gave  public  notice 
in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  for  December  16,  1789: 

Mr.  Phile  inoet  respectfully  informs  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  particularly  those 
Gentlemen  he  had  the  honour  to  instruct  formerly,  that  the  unavoidable  necessity 
which  occasioned  his  abscence  has  now  ceased,  and  that  he  is  determined  to  continue 
his  residence  in  this  city. 

He  hopes  from  the  many  proofs  he  has  afforded  of  his  abilities  as  a  Teacher  of  dif- 
ferent Instruments  of  Music,  to  meet  with  the  Patronage  of  a  generous  Public.  He 
proposes  to  instruct  Gentlemen  on  the  Violin,  flute,  Clarinet  and  Bassoon.  Mr.  Phile 
is  willing  to  render  every  satisfaction;  this,  with  a  particular  attention  to  those  Gen- 
tlemen who  may  please  to  encourage  him,  will,  he  trusts,  establish  the  Reputation 
he  is  desirous  to  merit. 

a  Pa.  Packet,  April  9. 

6  Federal  Gazette,  Nov.  26, 1788. 

c  N.  Y.  Daily  Adv.  and  N.  Y.  Daily  Gaz.  for  June  12,  1789. 


Hail    Columbia.  61 

Directions  to  Mr.  Phile,  living  in  Race  street  between  Front  and  Second  street,  will 
be  punctually  attended  to.  N.  B.  Music  copied.  Philadelphia,  Dec.  14. 

Undoubtedly  Phile  resided  at  Philadelphia  during  the  year  1790, 
as  on  March  18, 1790,  "  A  Concert  of  Vocal  and  Instrumental  Music  for 
the  Benefit  of  Mr.  Phile  "  was  to  be  given,0  and  as  half  a  year  later,  on 
Saturday,  October  16,  he  performed  a  " Flute  Concert"  at  Messrs. 
Gray's  Gardens,  the  entertainment  concluding  with  "Harmony 
Music  by  Mr.  Phile."6 

These  concerts  at  Gray's  fashionable  gardens  were  held  regularly 
during  the  summer  months  and  were  by  no  means  of  the  "roof  garden  " 
order.  The  best  performers  of  Philadelphia  were  engaged  for  the 
instrumental  and  vocal  solos,  and  music  only  of  composers  then  con- 
sidered as  the  best  was  played.  The  concert  mentioned,  for  instance, 
comprised  grand  overtures  by  Haydn,  Schmitt,  Martini,  and  sym- 
phonies by  Stamitz  and  Abel. 

For  the  years  1791  and  1792  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  Phile's 
name,  but  I  find  him  as  "Phile  Philip,  music  master,  207  Sassafrasst" 
in  the  Philadelphia  directory  for  1793.  Then  he  disappears,  and  it  is 
very  likely  that  he  died  a  victim  of  the  yellow  fever  epidemic  raging 
so  terribly  at  Philadelphia  during  1793,  for  we  notice  a  "Phile, 
Susanna,  widow,  Washer,  86  No.  Fourth  st."  in  the  directory  for  1794. 

This  is  a  curriculum  wise  of  Philip  Phile,  as  far  as  I  could  glean 
it  from  newspapers  and  other  sources.  Not  once  is  he  mentioned  as 
author  of  the  "President's  March."  However,  as  he  evidently  was  a 
composer  besides  being  a  violin  virtuoso,  so  far  neither  chronology 
nor  circumstances  seriously  weaken  J.  C.'s  or  Custis's  claims  in  favor 
of  Phile. 

George  Washington  Parke  Custis  claimed  that  the  march  was 
composed  by  a  German  named  Fyles  in  1789,  in  contradistinction  to 
[Francis  Hopkinson's  ?]  Washington's  March,  and  that  it  was  struck 
up  when  the  President  entered  the  stage  box  with  his  family.  He 
does  not  state  when  the  march  was  first  played,  far  less  does  he  claim 
that  the  march  was  composed  for  the  occasion  of  Washington's  first 
visit  to  the  John  Street  Theater  in  New  York.  We  have  to  examine 
his  account  as  it  stands  and  are  not  justified  in  embellishing  it,  as 
Saffell,  Nason,  and  others  have  done. 

I  feel  inclined  to  trust  Custis's  version  neither  as  a  solid  basis  for 
air  castles,  nor  as  a  reflex  of  direct  and  authentic  information  bearing 
upon  the  subject,  nor  as  a  supplementary  evidence  in  favor  of  J.  C.'s 
Phile  tradition. 

It  might  be  objected  that  Custis,  having  become  a  member  of 
Washington's  family  a  few  months  after  his  birth,  ought  to  be  con- 
sidered a  reliable  witness  and  out  of  reach  of  historical  skepticism. 

Certainly,  if  it  were  evident  that  he  visited  the  theater  with  the 
president  on  May  11,  June  5,  November  24  and  30,  1789,  the  only 

a  Pa.  Packet,  T.  March  16,  1790.  &  Federal  Gazette,  Fr.  Oct.  15,  1790. 


62  Hail    Columbia. 

four  times,  according  to  Baker's  "Washington  after  the  Revolution," 
and  Paul  Leicester  Ford's  charming  book,  "Washington  and  the 
theater,"  °  that  the  president  attended  theatrical  performances  in 
New  York.  This,  however,  is  not  the  case,  and  we  have  no  means 
of  ascertaining  whether  or  not  Custis  himself  heard  the  President's 
March  played  on  these  occasions.  In  the  second  place,  are  the  rec- 
ollections of  a  boy  of  8  years  reliable?  Certainly  not;  but  this  argu- 
ment applies  to  Custis,  who  was  born  in  1781,  on  the  30th  of  April.6 
Furthermore,  the  "Recollections"  were  written  during  a  period  of 
thirty  years,  and  their  preface  is  dated  by  the  author  "Arlington 
House  Near  Alexandria,  Va.  1856."  Is  it  not  most  likely  that 
Custis,  when  "recollecting"  the  events  of  the  year  1789,  was  forced 
to  supplement  his  or  his  family's  reminiscences  with  information 
gained  from  other  sources,  in  particular  from  tradition  and  the  study 
of  books  ? 

When  a  boy  of  8  years  George  Washington  Parke  Custis  probably 
was  not  very  much  interested  in  the  name  of  the  composer  of  a  march. 
Even  if  he  was,  such  early  recollections  can  not  be  considered  a  safe 
basis  for  critical  history.  If  he  learned  the  name  later  on,  especially 
after  twenty  or  thirty  years  had  elapsed,  then  his  account  has  merely 
the  strength  of  hearsay.  Neither  the  diary  which  Washington  kept  in 
1789,  nor  the  old  newspapers,  nor  other  contemporary  sources  mention 
a  performance  of  the  President's  March  at  the  New  York  theater  in 
1789,  nor  have  such  lovers  of  historical  minutiae  discovered  any  ref- 
erence to  that  effect.  Possibly  the  "President's  March"  was  played 
in  1789  on  one  or  several  occasions  when  George  Washington  visited 
the  theater,  but  we  are  not  obliged  nor  even  justified  in  admitting  it, 
and  with  the  admission  of  this  possibility  as  a  fact  we  would  still  be 
very  distant  from  positive  proof  of  the  authenticity  of  Custis' s  state- 
ment that  the  "President's  March"  was  composed  by  Phile  in  1789. 

"The  President's  March,"  said  J.  C.,  "was  composed  by  a  Professor 
Pfyle,  and  was  played  at  Trenton  bridge  when  Washington  passed 
over  on  his  way  to  New  York  to  his  inauguration." 

It  seems  not  to  have  entered  the  mind  of  any  of  the  historians  quoted, 
except  William  S.  Baker,  to  search  for  the  contemporary  accounts  of 
this  occasion.  The  research  would  not  have  caused  them  very  much 
trouble,  as  quite  a  number  of  newspapers  printed  reports  of  the 
"respectful  ceremonies"  at  Trenton,  among  them  the  Pennsylvania 
Mercury  for  Saturday,  May  2,  1789;  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  for 
M.,  April  27,  and  the  New  York  Journal  for  April  30.  By  neglecting 
the  newspapers  the  writers  missed  a  most  important  clue,  as  will 
readily  be  seen  from  the  report  printed  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet: 

0  Published  in  1899  as  No.  8  of  the  New  Series  of  the  Dunlap  Society  Publications. 
&Comp.  Appleton  or  the  "Memoir  of  George  Washington  Parke  Custis"  prefixed 
by  his  daughter  to  the  "Recollections." 


Hail    Columbia.  63 

A  Sonata  Sung  by  a  Number  of  young  Girls,  dressed  in  white  and  decked  with 
Wreaths  and  Chaplets  of  Flowers,  holding  Baskets  of  Flowers  in  their  Hands,  aa 
General  Washington  passed  under  the  triumphal  Arch,  raised  on  the  Bridge  at 
Trenton,  April  21,  1789. 

Welcome,  mighty  chief!  once  more, 
Welcome  to  this  grateful  shore 
Now  no  mercenary  foe 
Aims  again  the  fatal  blow 
Aims  at  thee  the  fatal  blow. 
Virgins  fair  and  Matrons  grave 
Those  thy  conquering  arms  did  save — 
Build  for  thee  triumphal  bowers! 
Strew,  ye  fair,  hia  way  with  flowers — 
Strew  your  Hero's  way  with  flowers. 

As  they  sung  these  Lines  they  strewed  the  Flowers  before  the  General,  who 
halted  until  the  Sonata  was  finished.    The  General  being  presented  with  a  Copy 
of  the  Sonata,  was  pleased  to  address  the  following  Card  to  the  Ladies. 
To  the  Ladies  of  Trenton  .  .  . 

General  Washington  cannot  leave  this  Place  without  expressing  his  Acknowl- 
edgments to  the  Matrons  and  Young  Ladies  who  received  him  in  so  novel  and 
graceful  a  Manner  at  the  Triumphal  Arch  in  Trenton,  for  the  exquisite  Sensations 
he  experienced  in  that  affecting  moment. 

The  astonishing  Contrast  between  his  former  and  actual  Situation  at  the  same 
spot,  the  elegant  Taste  with  which  it  was  adorned  for  the  present  occasion — and 
the  innocent  Appearance  of  the  White  Robed  Choir  who  met  him  with  the  gratu- 
latory  Song — have  made  such  an  impression  on  his  Remembrance,  as,  he  assures 
them,  will  never  be  effaced. 

Trenton,  April  21,  1789. 

The  other  papers  referred  to  brought  similar  reports,  all  printing 
sonata  instead  of  cantata,  with  this  important  addition,  however: 
"Sonata,  composed  a  and  set  to  music  for  the  occasion."  Of  other 
music  performed  at  Trenton  bridge  on  this  day,  and  especially  of 
music  composed  for  the  occasion,  not  a  syllable  in  any  of  the  reports. 

One  is  almost  led  to  suppose  that  this  "Sonata"  was  the  piece 
alluded  to  by  J.  C.  and  attributed  by  one  of  the  performers,  and  later 
by  Phile's  son,  to  Philip  Phile  as  the  "President's  March." 

At  last  the  problem  appears  to  approach  solution.  J.  C.'s  state- 
ment seems  to  be  corroborated  to  the  degree  of  circumstantial  evi- 
dence by  this  account,  and  Philip  Phile,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been, 
beyond  reasonable  doubt,  the  author  of  the  much-disputed  march. 
Our  joy  is  premature. 

New  Music.  Just  published  (Price  3  S.  9)  and  to  be  Sold  by  Rice  &  Co.  Book- 
sellers; South  side  Market  near  Second  Street. 

A  chorus,  sung  before  General  Washington,  as  he  passed  under  the  triumphal 
Arch  raised  on  the  Bridge  at  Trenton,  April  21st.  1789;  composed  and  dedicated 
by  permission,  to  Mrs.  Washington  By  A.  Reinagle. 

This  advertisement  was  published  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet, 
Tuesday,  December  29,  1789.  Therewith  we  have  a  third  and  for- 
midable claimant  in  the  person  of  one  of  the  foremost  musicians  in  the 

a  Mr.  Baker  attributes  the  words  to  Maj.  Richard  Howell,  later  on  governor  of  New 
Jersey. 


64 


Hail    Columbia. 


country,  the  composer  of  numerous  operas,  sonatas,  songs,  marches, 
in  particular  of  the  "Federal  March,"  written  for  and  performed  at 
Philadelphia  on  July  4,  1788,  in  the  grand  procession  in  honor  of  the 
Constitution,  the  only  known  copy  of  which  is  now  in  the  Library  of 
Congress.  If  the  music  of  the  chorus  sung  on  the  bridge  at  Trenton 
was  identical  with  that  of  the  President's  March,  then,  of  course, 
Alexander  Reinagle's  music  was  wedded  to  "Hail  Columbia,"  and 
not  Philip  Phile's.  Fortunately  a  copy  of  the  "Chorus"  is  still  extant 
to  throw  light  on  the  puzzling  situation.  In  their  pamphlet  on 
"Washington's  reception  by  the  ladies  of  Trenton,"  the  Society  of 
Iconophiles  published  in  1903  a  reduced  facsimile  in  copper  photo- 
gravure of  the  piece  as  once  in  possession  of  Maj.  Richard  Howell, 
supposed  author  of  the  poem  in  question.  The  extremely  rare  piece 
bears  this  title: 

Chorus  sung  before  Gen.  Washington  as  he  passed  under  the  Triumphal  arch 
raised  on  the  bridge  at  Trenton,  April  21st,  1789.  Set  to  music  and  dedicated  by 
permission  to  Mrs.  Washington  by  A.  Reinagle.  Price  J  dollar.  Philadelphia. 
Printed  for  the  author,  and  sold  by  H.  Rice,  Market  Street. 

The  instrumental  introduction  and  the  first  bars  of  the  chorus  may 
follow  here  to  prove  conclusively  that  Reinagle's  chorus  and  the  Presi- 
dent's March  are  not  identical. 


Vivace. 


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Hail    Columbia.  65 

Here,  then,  is  a  puzzling  situation.  Phile's  son  claimed  that  a 
march  known  as  the  President's  March  and  composed  by  his  father 
was  played  on  the  bridge  at  Trenton,  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  per- 
formers. On  the  other  hand,  there  exists  a  composition  by  Reinagle, 
the  title  of  which  would  seem  to  leave  no  doubt  that  it  was  played 
and  sung  on  the  same  occasion  to  the  words  "Welcome,  mighty  chief! 
once  more."  If  we  were  permitted  to  assume  that  both  compositions 
figured  on  the  programme  of  the  festivities  at  Trenton,  that  would 
clear  the  situation  somewhat,  but  no  contemporary  account  mentions 
any  music  but  the  so-called  "Sonata."  Had  the  "President's  March" 
been  composed  for  the  occasion  the  fact  surely  would  have  been  men- 
tioned in  the  newspapers.  Even  if  "The  President's  March"  was 
already  so  popular  as  to  be  played  as  a  matter  of  course  in  the  presence 
of  the  President,  the  probabilities  are  that  the  march  would  have 
been  reported  by  name  or  at  least  that  the  contemporary  reports 
would  have  alluded  to  the  performance  of  other  music  besides  the 
"Sonata."  Such,  however,  is  not  the  case,  and  the  issue  can  not  be 
avoided.  Either  Reinagle's  chorus  was  sung  or  "The  President's 
March"  had  been  fitted  to  Major  Ho  well's  words.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances it  is  fortunate  that  the  rendition  of  Reinagle's  chorus  on 
the  bridge  at  Trenton,  all  appearances  to  the  contrary  notwithstand- 
ing, is  very  doubtful  for  the  following  reasons : 

(1)  The  printed  title  allows  to  read  a  distinction  between  chorus 
sung,  which  would  then  mean  "words  sung"  and  set  to  music. 

(2)  They  must  have  been  sung  before  Washington  on  April  21, 
whereas  Reinagle's  composition  was  advertised  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Packet,   Philadelphia,   December  29,    1789,   as  just  published.     An 
unusual  interval  between  performance  and  publication. 

(3)  Reinagle's  piece  is  engraved  for  "2  voice.     1  voice.     3  voice" 
with  pianoforte  accompaniment  apparently  reduced  from  orchestral 
score.     The  3.  voice  stands  in  the  bass  clef,  and  the  whole  is  com- 
posed for  either  a  mixed  chorus  or  a  3-part  male  chorus.     But  the 
Sonata  was  sung  "by  a  number  of  young  girls,"  and  of  a  band  or 
orchestra  assisting  on  the  occasion  and  accompanying  the  singers  no 
mention  is  made. 

Any  of  these  three  observations  alone  might  carry  little  weight. 
Together  they  do,  and  combined  with  a  fourth  they  appear  to  bear 
out  the  doubt  that  Reinagle's  chorus  was  not  composed  for  April  21, 
1789.  The  "Plan"  (programme)  of  the  "New  York  Subscription 
Concert"  for  Tuesday,  September  15,  1789,  as  it  appears  in  the  Daily 
Advertiser  for  the  same  day,  reads : 

After  the  first  act,  will  be  performed  a  chorus,  to  the  words  that  were  sung,  as 
Gen.  Washington  passed  the  Bridge  at  Trenton — The  Music  now  composed  by 
Mr.  Reinagle. 

85480—09 5 


66  Hail    Columbia. 

This  implies  that  Reinagle's  setting,  published  in  December,  was 
not  the  one  sung  when  General  Washington  passed  the  bridge.  Con- 
sequently Reinagle  no  longer  interferes  with  the  Phile  tradition.  The 
claim  put  forth  for  Phile's  authorship  of  the  President's  March  is  by 
no  means  yet  proved,  but  it  remains  unshaken.  It  would  be  decidedly 
strengthened  if  it  could  be  shown  that  the  "Music  of  the  Sonata" 
actually  sung  on  April  21,  1789,  and  of  the  "President's  March"  were 
identical.  As  Reinagle  did  not  compose  the  music  for  the  occasion, 
and  as  Phile  is  the  only  other  musician  mentioned  in  connection  with 
said  occasion,  appearances  seem  to  be  in  his  favor  until  counterbal- 
anced by  the  observation  that  the  claim  for  Phile  is  based  upon  the 
reminiscences  of  one  of  the  original  performers  confirmed  later  by 
Phile's  son.  The  term  performer  without  the  addition  vocal  generally 
applies  to  a  performer  on  some  instrument.  To  have  been  a  performer 
on  said  occasion  would  infer  that  the  "Sonata"  was  sung  with  instru- 
mental accompaniment.  To  repeat  it,  nothing  goes  to  show  that  such 
was  the  case.  But  in  order  not  to  push  arguments  too  far,  the  possi- 
bility may  be  admitted  either  that  the  performer  was  a  vocal  performer, 
scilicet,  one  of  the  "young  girls,"  or  that  the  "Sonata"  was  really 
sung  with  instrumental  accompaniment  though  not  so  described  in 
any  of  the  reports.  We  might  even  allow  the  combination  of  both 
possibilities  for  the  simplification  of  matters.  In  that  case  the  words 
of  the  "Sonata"  were  either  fitted  to  the  already  popular  "President's 
March,"  or  this  march  was  composed  for  the  occasion  and  subse- 
quently became  popular  under  the  name  of  "  The  President's  March." 
However,  all  this  seems  to  be  impossible,  for  a  very  simple  reason.  In 
my  opinion  the  words  oftlie  "Sonata"  can  not  have  been  sung  to  any  of 
the  versions  of  "The  President's  March."  Every  attempt  to  fit  the 
words  of  the  "Sonata"  to  this  march  fails,  even  after  the  boldest 
surgical  operations.  Consequently,  unless  others  succeed  with  such 
attempts,  the  conclusion  is  inevitable  that  the  "Sonata"  sung  on  the 
bridge  at  Trenton  and  the  "President's  March"  were  not  identical.  It 
follows  that  J.  C.'s  statement  of  1841,  like  McKoy's  of  1829,  contains 
a  serious  flaw.  Therefore  we  are  not  justified  in  accepting  it  as 
authentic. 

To  prove  the  point  just  raised,  some  of  the  earliest  versions  of  the 
"President's  March"  are  here  submitted  either  in  facsimile  or  in 
transcript.  At  the  same  time  these  musical  quotations  will  show 
the  musical  genesis  and  partial  transformation  of  "Hail  Columbia" 
about  the  year  1 800. 

(1)  The  arrangement  for  two  flutes,  on  page  3,  of  the  first  number 
of  R.  Shaw's  and  B.  Carr's  "Gentleman's  Amusement,"  Philadel- 
phia, Carr,  April,  1794.  See  facsimile  of  the  copy  at  the  Library  of 
Congress  (Appendix,  PI.  IX).  (This  "Gentleman's  Amusement"  is 


H ail    Columbia . 


67 


identical  with  the  one  advertised  in  the  New  York  Daily  Advertiser, 
May  8,  1794,  as  "Philadelphia  printed  for  Shaw  &  Co.") 

(2)  "President's  March."  Philadelphia,  G.  Willig,  Mark[et]  street 
185,  and  therefore  published  between  1798  and  1803.  See  facsimile 
of  the  copy  at  the  Library  of  Congress  in  Appendix,  Plate  X. 

(3) 

The  President's  March  as  In  Shaw's  Flute  Preceptor.    Philadelphia,  1802. 


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(4) 

The  President's  March  as  In  the  "  Compleat  Tutor  for  the  Fife,"  Philadelphia,  G.  Willig,  ea.  1805. 


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68  Hail    Columbia. 

Now,  it  is  a  singular  fact  that,  to  my  knowledge,  "The  President's 
March"  is  nowhere  mentioned  in  contemporary  sources  before  the 
year  1794.  That  it  was  popular  about  1794  is  clear,  as  it  otherwise 
would  hardly  have  been  printed  in  Shaw  and  Carr's  "Gentleman's 
Amusement."  Some  months  later  the  Old  American  Company,  then 
playing  at  the  Cedar  Street  Theatre  in  Philadelphia,  advertised  in  the 
American  Daily  Advertiser,  September  22,  for  the  same  evening 
that— 

.  .  .  previous  to  the  tragedy  [the  Grecian  Daughter]  the  band  will  play  a  new 
Federal  Overture,  in  which  are  introduced  several  popular  airs;  Marseilles  hymn, 
Ca  ira,  O  dear  what  can  the  matter  be,  Rose  Tree,  Carmagnole,  "Presidents' 
March,"  Yankee  Doodle,  etc.  Composed  by  Mr.  Carr. 

This  "Federal  Overture,"  by  Benjamin  Carr,  was  published  1795 
in  an  arrangement  for  two  flutes  in  the  fifth  number  of  Shaw  and 
Carr's  "Gentleman's  Amusement."  Had  the  march  been  well  known 
as  "The  President's  March"  in  1789  and  later,  why  should  A.  Rei- 
nagle's  much  less  popular  "Federal  March"  and  Sicard's  "New  Con- 
stitutional March  and  Federal  Minuet"  (both  1788)  and  other  patri- 
otic pieces  have  been  published  and  not  "The  President's  March?" 
And  if  published,  advertisements  to  that  effect  would  have  appeared 
before  1794  in  the  newspapers,  as  was  the  case  with  all  early  American 
musical  publications,  either  sacred  or  secular.  We  must  not  forget 
that  the  demand  for  patriotic  music  was  very  eager  in  those  days, 
and  a  march  in  honor  of  President  Washington  would  have  sold  well. 
Furthermore,  had  the  air  been  really  popular  during  the  years  imme- 
diately following  1789,  at  least  one  of  the  innumerable  political  and 
patriotic  songs  which  were  to  be  sung  to  popular  melodies  (and 
the  words  with  tune  indication  of  most  of  these  songs  were  printed  in 
the  newspapers  or  magazines)  would  show  the  indication:  "Tune — 
President's  March."  Such  is  not  the  case,  but  it  seems  to  be  a  fact 
that  all  songs,  which,  like  "Hail  Columbia,"  were  fitted  to  this  tune, 
appeared  in  print  after  1 794. 

Therefore,  while  the  analysis  of  traditions,  reports,  and  contem- 
porary evidence  so  far  submitted  permits  us  to  concentrate  our  atten- 
tion upon  Phile  more  than  on  Roth  as  the  possible  author  of  the 
"President's  March,"  it  does  not  yet  permit  us,  if  at  all  interested  in 
sound  history,  to  attribute  the  "President's  March"  with  something 
like  certainty  to  Philip  Phile,  and  most  decidedly  not  to  date  the  origin 
of  the  march  1789. 

Here,  then,  the  matter  rested  when  recently  the  hoped-for  accident 
helped  to  clear  the  situation  still  further.  At  the  Governor  Penny- 
packer  sale  the  Library  of  Congress  acquired  a  lot  of  miscellaneous 
early  American  musical  publications.  Among  the  fragments  appears 
an  unnumbered  page,  evidently  torn  from  an  engraved  music  collec- 
tion for  the  pianoforte,  bearing  two  marches,  one, 


Hail    Columbia.  69 

THE  PRESIDENTS  MARCH,  BY  PHEIL, 

the  other,  fortunately,  "March,  by  Holier."  Fortunately,  because 
the  reference  to  the  name  of  John  Christopher  Moller  proves  that  the 
page  can  not  have  been  printed  before  his  arrival  in  America  in  1790, 
and  that  it  most  probably  forms  part  of  one  of  the  publications  issued 
by  Moller  and  Henri  Capron  at  Philadelphia  in  1 793 .  The  importance 
of  this  page  therefore  lies  in  the  fact  that  "The  President's  March" 
was  attributed  to  Pheil  and  not  to  Roth  as  early  as  about  1793. 
Consequently  this  probably  earliest  edition  of  the  march  (see  Appen- 
dix, PI.  XI),  though  it  does  not  assist  us  in  dating  and  locating  the 
origin  of  "The  President's  March,"  removes  all  reasonable  doubt  from 
the  tradition  that  the  music  of  "Hail  Columbia"  was  composed  by 
Philip  Phile. 

A  comparison  of  the  "Hail  Columbia"  texts,  as  they  appear  in  song 
books,  is  unnecessary,  because  practically  no  verbal  differences  have 
crept  into  Joseph  Hopkinson's  poem.  It  may  be  noticed,  however, 
that  the  autograph  which  was  formerly  in  possession  of  Mr.  C.  D.  Hil- 
debrand,  of  Philadelphia,  and  which  Admiral  Preble  reproduced  in 
facsimile  in  the  second  edition  of  his  book  on  our  flag,0  has  in  the  first 
stanza  "war  was  done"  instead  of  "war  was  gone."  The  latter  ver- 
sion not  only  is  the  one  now  customary,  but  it  appears  in  the  two 
earliest  printed  versions  of  "Hail  Columbia,"  described  above.  For 
this  reason  the  Hildebrand  autograph  probably  is  not  the  earliest  or 
even  an  early  autograph  copy.  Two  other  copies  in  Joseph  Hopkin- 
son's hand  are  mentioned  by  Preble  in  this  manner : 

"  During  the  centennial  year  an  autograph  copy  of  '  Hail  Columbia ' 
was  displayed  in  the  museum  at  Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia. 
This  copy  was  written  from  memory  Feb.  22,  1828,  and  presented  to 
George  M.  Keim,  esq.,  of  Reading,  in  compliance  with  a  request  made 
by  him.  It  has  marginal  notes,  one  of  which  informs  us  that  the 
passage  'Behold  the  Chief  refers  to  John  Adams,  then  President  of 
the  United  States.  Mr.  Hopkinson  also  presented  General  Washing- 
ton with  a  copy  of  his  poem,  and  received  from  him  a  complimentary 
letter  of  thanks,  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  his  descendants." 

An  autograph  copy  signed  and  dated  "Philadelphia,  March  24, 
1838"  (4°,  3  p.)  was  offered  for  sale  in  Henkels's  "Catalogue  of  Auto- 
graph Letters,"  1895.  The  added  facsimile  showed  that  this  1838 
copy  has  the  marginal  note  about  John  Adams  and  done  instead  of 
gone  in  the  first  stanza,  thereby  corroborating  the  claim  that  the 
Hildebrand  copy  is  of  a  comparatively  late  date.  To  whom  this  1838 
copy  was  sold,  I  do  not  know.  Until  recently  the  Pennsylvania 
Historical  Society  possessed  two  autograph  copies  of  "  Hail  Columbia," 

a  From  there  facsimiled  by  Mary  L.  D.  Ferris  for  her  article  on  "Our  National 
Songs"  in  the  Xew  England  Magazine,  1890,  pp.  483-504. 


70 


Hail    Columbia. 


one  of  them  coining  from  the  Ilopkinson  family  papers,  but  the 
society  has  since  disposed  of  one  of  the  two.  The  other  is  here  repro- 
duced in  facsimile  by  permission  of  the  society.  (See  Appendix  as 
Plates  VHIa-VIIIb.) 

If  a  text  comparison  of  "Hail  Columbia"  is  unnecessary,  not  so  a 
comparison  of  the  musical  settings,  or  rather  arrangements.  First,  in 
order  to  show  the  difference  between  the  old  and  the  new  way  of 
singing  the  "President's  March"  to  the  words  of  "Hail  Columbia," 
the  edition  which  Willig  printed  between  1798  and  1803  will  be  com- 
pared with  the  probably  simultaneous  edition  of  a  copy  which  has 
been  reproduced  in  facsimile  by  Mr.  Elson  in  his  books,  as  mentioned 
before.  From  these  early  editions  I  turn  immediately  to  current  song 
books,  selecting  for  the  purpose  the  same  as  was  done  for  "The  Star- 
Spangled  Banner"  chapter  (see  p.  41).  Also  the  same  principle  and 
method  of  comparison  will  be  adopted  with  this  difference,  that  the 
text  is  added,  since  it  is  sometimes  placed  differently  under  the  notes. 

"The  President's  March.  A  new  Federal  song,"  Philadelphia, 
G.  Willig,  between  1798  and  1803. 


i- 


Hail!     Co-lum-bia,  hap  -  py     land!         Hall!    ye    he  -  roes, heav'n-born baud! 
5  _  6  7 


Who    fought  and  bled      in         free        dom's  ;  cause,        Who  fought  and    bled  in 

11 
9  10 


8 


-»-- — • — m- 
^=£=? 


free-dom's  cause,  And  when  the  storm  of   war  was  gone,  En  -  joy'd      the     peace  your 

14 


U 


13 


u 


tdt        |           T  

--,       x      ,        —  5T— 

--~Er^Er=*=F=fr= 

val  -  or     won;     Let     In  -  de-pen-dence     be      our  boast,         Ev  -  ermind-ful 

16 

-  "         -.A8                 » 

20 

~m  .-        t      B 

\m- 

*-  :  \    —  fe—  1  —  '-£—\ 

f-  *  ir    r  —  i  —  i    II 

-—  LiJ 

what  It   cost,        ET  -  er  grateful    for     the    prize,     Let  its   al- tar  reach  the  skies. 
21  22  23  -^      s-  24  __ 


Firm,    u   -  nit  -  ed,     let 


10 


us 


be, 


Hal-lying  round  our     Lib  -  er  -  ty, 
27 


As      a    band  of      brothers    joln'd,       Peace    and       safe  -  ty     we   shall  flnd 


H ail    Columbia . 


71 


instead  of  alia  breve:  E. 
12 


;  B ;  F  ;  G  ;  J  ;  M ;  R  ;  Si ;  W.    (Hail  Columbia  is  not  in  A.;  Sh.;  Sm.;  Z. ) 
2  4 


F;  W.  Who    G;      J.  Who     M;   R.  Who    Si. 


fought  and  bled    in        Free-dom's  cause, Who  fought  and  bled  in     Free-dom's  cause.And 
F;  G;  J;  M;  R;  Si;  W.       F;M;R;Si;W.     F;  G;  J;  M  ;  R  ;  Si;  W.    F;M;R;Si;W. 


The  grace  note  g  is  discarded  in  modern  editions. 
9  12 


14    ~  -»- 


And  when  the  storm  of  val  -  or  won;  Let    J 
G;     J.  F;G;  J:  M;  R;  Si;  W.G ;    J. 

,15  16 


M 


p^ 


F  ;  M ;  R ;  Si ;  W.  G ;  J. 


what     it        cost 
F;  M;  R;  W. 


F;R;Si;W        G;  J.  B;  F;  G;  J;  M;  R;  Si;  W.    F;G;J;R.W.     M 

23 


^3E^E2E3£=5EEEE£E 


Si  Ral- ly- ing  round  our  Ral -lying  round  our  Ral  -  ly  -  ing  round  our 

B  F;  J;  M;  R;  Si;  W.    G 


F;  G;  J;  R;  W.        M 


B;  Si 


G;  J 


-»—<=_ 


-I L 


B;F;M;B:Si;W      G;    J 


F;  W 


G ;  J ;  Si.  M ;  B. 


72 


Hail    Columbia. 


rfV 

De- 

r  r  r~fc 

who 

..,*_,        _J>                   r     " 

who 

m=r=t=*  =2=H 

1  —  BJ  —  L  —  1  "LJJ  — 

1  1  r  j  • 

- 


•J7 


For  eight  song  books,  selected  at  random,  to  thus  differ  in  the 
majority  of  bars  of  a  national  song  of  28  bars,  is  a  deplorable  state  of 
affairs.  It  means  that  if  8  children,  each  familiar  with  one  of  these 
song  books,  were  to  sing  "Hail  Columbia"  together,  not  one  would 
sing  the  melody  exactly  like  any  of  the  other  7  children.  One  is 
ashamed  as  an  American  to  think  of  the  result,  if  not  8,  but  80  current 
song  books  were  similarly  examined!  The  discrepancies  between 
current  versions  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  are  regrettable 
enough,  but  those  between  current  versions  of  "Hail  Columbia" 
evidently  are  still  worse.0 

a  This  report  was  in  proof  sheets  when  Mr.  Otto  Hubach,  financial  editor  of  the 
New  Yorker  Staats-Zeitung  and  from  1876-1883  an  officer  in  the  Prussian  army  in- 
formed me  of  his  recollection  "that  the  march  to  which  the  text  of  'Hail  Columbia' 
is  sung  dates  from  the  time  of  Frederick  the  Great  and  for  more  than  one  hundred 
.years  has  been  officially  used  in  the  Prussian  army  as  ' Altpreussisches  Rondo'  and 
that  the  infantry  manual  still  in  his  time  mentioned  under  accredited  marches  this 
rondo."  I  have  not  yet  had  occasion  to  verify  this  information.  That  the  infantry 
manual  contains  a  march  at  least  similar  to  the  ' '  President 's  March' '  I  have  no  reason 
to  doubt,  though  the  latter  is  by  no  means  a  rondo.  Nor  do  I  see  how  Mr.  Hubach'a 
recollections  interfere  at  all  with  Philip  Phile's  authorship.  Like  many  other  foreign 
marches,  his  may  have  found  its  way  to  Prussia  to  be  used  on  special  official  occasions. 
I  suspect  a  slight  error  somewhere  in  Mr.  Hubach's  recollections.  At  any  rate,  neither 
Thouret  nor  Kalkbrenner  ("  Verzeichnis  Bamtlicher  kgl .  preussischen  Armee-Mareche," 
1896)  substantiate  Mr.  Hubach's  recollections  so  far  as  they  affect  place  and  date  of 
origin  of  the  "President's  March,"  which  may  safely  be  attributed  to  Philip  Phile, 
until  facts  render  this  impossible. 


AMERICA. 


Rev.  Samuel  F.  Smith's  (1808-1895)  "America"  does  not  call  for 
elaborate  treatment  in  a  report  like  this.  In  the  first  place,  words 
and  tune  show  a  praiseworthy  uniformity  in  the  song  books.  The 
only  difference  between  the  12  song  books  selected,  which  is  at  all 
worth  mentioning,  is  that  Aiken,  Gantvoort,  Jepson,  Ripley,  Zeiner 
have  in  the  forelast  bar — 

Let       free-dom  ring. 

whereas  Boyle,   Farnsworth,  McLaughlin,   Shirley,   Siefert,   Smith, 
Whiting  have — 


Let    free-dom  ring. 

No  noteworthy  discrepancies  appear  in  the  texts  used  in  the  song 
books.  This  has  its  simple  explanation  in  the  fact  that  Reverend 
Smith  himself  adhered  to  his  original  text  whenever  he  was  requested 
in  later  years  to  write  autograph  copies  of  "America."0  Indeed,  so 
numerous  were  these  occasions  that  Mr.  Benjamin  in  the  Collector, 
July,  1908,  expressed  his  willingness  to  supply  autograph  copies  of 
"My  country,  'tis  of  thee"  at  any  time  for  $10.  This  is  probably  an 

«  The  Chief  Assistant  Librarian,  Mr.  Griffin,  then  Chief  of  the  Bibliography  Division, 
in  his  memorandum  of  November  20,  1907,  pointed  out  that  in  a  version  "  published 
by  D.  Lothrop  and  company,  Boston,  1884,  there  is  an  accompanying  facsimile  auto- 
graph copy  in  which,  in  the  second  stanza,  there  is  a  comma  after  the  word  noble 
changing  somewhat  the  significance  of  the  verse."  Mr.  Griffin  also  found  in  F.  L. 
Knowles'  "Poems  of  American  patriotism"  not  less  than  four  additional  stanzas 
printed  not  to  be  found  in  the  original.  Mr.  Kobbe  included  in  his  "  Famous  American 
Songs"  the  following  stanza,  believed  to  have  been  added,  he  says,  by  the  author  at 
the  celebration  of  the  Washington  Inauguration  Centennial: 

Our  joyful  hearts  to-day, 
Their  grateful  tribute  pay, 

Happy  and  free. 
After  our  toils  and  fears, 
After  our  blood  and  tears, 
Strong  with  our  hundred  years 

0  God.  to  thee. 

73 


74  America. 

exaggeration,  yet  it  is  certain  that  more  autograph  copies  exist  than 
are  referred  to  in  the  following. 

In  the  clever  chat  on  "Our  national  songs"  in  the  New  England 
Magazine  (July,  1890,  vol.  2,  pp.  483-504)  Mary  L.  D.  Ferris  has  a 
facsimile  of  the  original  draft  of  "America"  (on  the  margin  of  a 
printed  subscription  blank),  then  still  in  the  possession  of  Reverend 
Smith.  The  text  of  this  draft,  which  does  not  bear  the  title  "America," 
nor  any  other  title,  reads : 

My  country  'tis  of  thee 
Sweet  land  of  liberty; 

Of  thee  I  sing. 
Land  where  my  fathers  died 
Land  of  the  pilgrims'  pride 
From  every  mountain  side 

Let  freedom  ring. 

My  native  country, — thee, 
Land  of  the  noble  free 

Thy  name  I  love; 
I  love  thy — rocka  &  rills 
Thy  woods  &  templed  hills 
My  heart  with  rapture  thrills 

Like  that  above. 

Let  music  swell  the  breeze 
And  ring  from  all  the  trees 

Sweet  freedom's  song 
Let  all  that  breathes  partake 
Let  mortal  tongues  awake 
Let  rocks  their  silence  break 

The  sound  prolong. 

Our  fathers'  God  to  Thee 
Author  of  liberty 

To  Thee  we  sing 
Long  may  our  land  be  bright 
With  freedom's  holy  light 
Protect  us  by  Thy  might 

Our  God.  our  King. 

Between  the  second  and  fourth  verse  Reverend  Smith  sketched, 
but  then  crossed  out,  the  following: 

No  more  shall  tyrants  here 
With  haughty  steps  appear 

And  soldier  bands 
No  more  shall  tyrants  tread 
Above  the  patnot  dead 
No  more  our  blood  be  shed 

By  alien  hands. 

In  the  same  article,  Miss  Ferris  gives  the  facsimile  of  an  autograph, 
apparently  written  for  her  by  Reyerend  Smith  and  dated  "Feb.  28, 
1890."  This  has  the  title  "America."  In  the  third  stanza  the  line 
"Let  mortal  tongues  awake"  precedes  "Let  all  that  breathe,"  and 
in  the  last  line  of  the  whole  poem  occurs  the  now  current  "Great 
God"  instead  of  "Our  God,"  but  otherwise  the  texts  are  identical. 

On  April  4, 1893,  Reverend  Smith  wrote  a  copy  of  his  poem  for  the 
Outlook,  where  a  facsimile  appeared  in  1898,  volume  59,  page  565. 


America.  75 

The  text  is  identical  with  that  in  the  1890  autograph,  and  also  with 
that  of  a  facsimile  of  an  autograph  copy  sent  Admiral  Preble  by 
Reverend  Smith  under  date  of  "Boston,  Mass.,  Sept.  12,  1872,"  and 
printed  by  the  admiral  in  the  1880  edition  of  his  book  on  our  flag. 

The  autograph  copy  of  "America"  was  accompanied  by  notes  on 
the  origin  of  the  poem.  Such  historical  notes  the  author  was  con- 
stantly, and  until  his  death,  requested  to  send  to  the  admirers  of 
"America."  The  version  most  frequently  used  by  subsequent  his- 
torians appears  to  be  that  in  Admiral  Preble's  book.  It  reads: 

The  origin  of  my  hymn,  "My  Country  'tis  of  Thee",  is  briefly  told.  In  the 
year  1831,  Mr.  William  C.  Woodbridge  returned  from  Europe,  bringing  a  quantity 
of  German  music-books,  which  he  passed  over  to  Lowell  Mason.  Mr.  Mason, 
with  whom  I  was  on  terms  of  friendship,  one  day  turned  them  over  to  me, 
knowing  that  I  was  in  the  habit  of  reading  German  works,  saying,  "Here,  I 
can't  read  these,  but  they  contain  good  music,  which  I  should  be  glad  to  use. 
Turn  over  the  leaves,  and  if  you  find  anything  particularly  good,  give  me  a 
translation  or  imitation  of  it,  or  write  a  wholly  original  song, — anything,  so  I  can 
use  it." 

Accordingly,  one  leisure  afternoon,  I  was  looking  over  the  books,  and  fell  in 
with  the  tune  of  "God  Save  the  King",  and  at  once  took  up  my  pen  and  wrote 
the  piece  in  question.  It  was  struck  out  at  a  sitting,  without  the  slightest  idea 
that  it  would  ever  attain  the  popularity  it  has  since  enjoyed.  I  think  it  was 
written  in  the  town  of  Andover,  Mass.,  in  February,  1832.  The  first  time  it 
was  sung  publicly  was  at  a  children's  celebration  of  American  independence, 
at  the  Park  Street  Church,  Boston,  I  think  July  4,  1832.  If  I  had  anticipated 
the  future  of  it,  doubtless  I  would  have  taken  more  pains  with  it.  Such  as  it 
is,  I  am  glad  to  have  contributed  this  mite  to  the  cause  of  American  freedom. 

These  notes  give  substantially  the  same,  though  in  some  details  not 
quite  the  full  information  as  the  letter  Reverend  Smith  sent  Miss 
Ferris  from  Newton  Center,  Mass.,  August  12,  1889,  for  her  article 
"On  our  national  songs"  in  the  New  England  Magazine,  1890,  and 
which  is  quoted  here  because  it  has  not  attracted  the  attention  it 
deserved: 

The  hymn,  "My  country,— 'tis  of  thee," — was  written  in  February,  1832. 
As  I  was  turning  over  the  leaves  of  several  books  of  music, — chiefly  music  for 
children's  schools, — the  words  being  in  the  German  language, — the  music,  which 
I  found  later  to  be  "God  save  the  King",  empressed  me  very  favorably.  I 
noticed  at  a  glance  that  the  German  words  were  patriotic.  But  without  attempt- 
ing to  translate  or  imitate  them,  I  was  led  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment  to  write 
the  hymn  now  styled  "America",  which  was  the  work  of  a  brief  period  of  time 
at  the  close  of  a  dismal  winter  afternoon.  I  did  not  design  it  for  a  national 
hymn,  nor  did  I  think  it  would  gain  such  notoriety.  I  dropped  the  MS.,  (which 
is  still  in  my  possession)  into  my  portfolio,  and  thought  no  more  of  it  for  months. 
I  had,  however,  once  seen  it,  after  writing  it,  &  given  a  copy  to  Mr.  Lowell 
Mason,  with  the  music  from  the  German  pamphlet;  and,  much  to  my  surprise, 
on  the  succeeding  4th  July,  he  brought  it  out  on  occasion  of  a  Sunday  School 
celebration  in  Park  St.  church,  Boston. 


76  America. 

The  story  of  the  origin  of  "My  country,  'tis  of  thee,"  as  narrated 
at  different  times  without  conflicting  variations  by  Reverend  Smith, 
is  generally  accepted  as  authentic.  As  far  as  I  can  see,  dissension  of 
opinion  has  arisen  only  over  the  really  unimportant  question  where, 
when,  and  by  whom  "My  country,  'tis  of  thee,"  was  first  sung.  In 
the  Boston  Evening  Transcript  of  October  27,  1908,  Mr.  William 
Copley  Winslow  took  Mr.  Edwin  D.  Mead  to  task  for  having  written 
in  the  same  paper  on  October  19,  1908,  that  "America"  was  first 
sung  on  July  4,  1832,  at  Park  Street  Church.  Mr.  Winslow  instead 
claimed: 

This  hymn  was  first  sung  at  the  Bowdoin  Street  Church,  of  which  Rev.  Hub- 
bard  Winslow  was  then  [1832]  pastor  and  Lowell  Mason  the  organist  and  con- 
ductor of  the  choir  .  .  .  The  hymn  with  other  selections,  was  sung  by  the 
Sunday  school,  aided  by  the  choir  before  a  large  audience  in  the  Bowdoin  Street 
Church.  Subsequently,  at  a  combined  service  of  Sunday  schools,  the  hymn 
was  sung  in  the  Park  Street  Church  .  .  . 

This,  if  true,  would  interfere  seriously  with  Edward  Everett  Hale's 
delightful  little  story,  how  he  on  the  Fourth  of  July,  1832,  after  hav- 
ing spent  all  his  holiday  money  on  root  beer,  ginger  snaps,  and  oysters 
at  the  celebration  on  Boston  Common,  on  his  way  home  marched 
with  other  children  into  Park  Street  Church  and  "thus  by  merest 
chance,"  as  Mr.  Kobb6  retells  the  story,  and  because  his  money  had 
been  expended  so  rapidly,  was  present  at  the  first  singing  of  the  hymn, 
which  is  national  enough  to  be  called  "America."  Mr.  Winslow, 
whatever  the  merits  of  his  claim  may  be,  has  not  supported  his  state- 
ments with  any  evidence  strong  enough  to  undermine  the  fact,  as 
Mr.  Mead  wrote  in  his  rejoinder  on  October  27,  1908,  that  Reverend 
Smith  "said  it  again  and  again  in  personal  conversation,  in  public 
addresses,  and  in  print"  how  "it  was  at  the  Park  Street  Church  that 
the  famous  hymn  was  first  sung"  on  July  4,  1832.  To  this  the  author 
adhered  until  his  death  without  giving  to  any  other  account  even  the 
benefit  of  doubt.  For  instance,  in  an  article  in  the  New  York 
World,  January  20,  1895,  reprinted  from  there  in  the  Critic,  1895, 
he  explicitly  said: 

It  was  at  this  children's  Fourth  of  July  celebration  that  "America"  was  first 
sung. 

"America"  is  perhaps  too  hymnlike  and  devotional  in  character 
for  a  national  anthem,  and  possibly  is  pervaded  too  much  by  a  peculiar 
New  England  flavor.  It  is  also  eminently  peaceful  and  indeed  so 
much  so,  as  was  remarked  above,  that  the  author  deliberately  crossed 
out  the  only  verse  with  allusion  to  war.  Yet,  these  can  not  really  be 
considered  shortcomings  of  "My  country  'tis  of  thee"  as  a  national 
song  and  would  at  all  events  be  outweighed  by  the  great  advantage 
that  "America"  is  appropriate  for  all  occasions  and  professions,  for 


America.  77 

old  and  young  and  for  both  sexes.  It  does  not  sound  odd  from  the 
mouth  of  a  woman  as  does,  for  instance,  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner." 
However,  the  main  objection  raised  against  "America"  has  been 
the  union  of  the  words  with  that  foreign  air  of  cosmopolitan  usage 
"God  save  the  King."  Yet  there  is  this  difference,  which  should 
never  be  overlooked.  If  the  Danes  or  the  Prussians  use  "God  save 
the  King,"  they  have  deliberately  borrowed  it  from  the  British. 
Not  so  with  us.  "God  save  the  King"  was,  before  1776,  as  much 
our  national  anthem  as  that  of  the  motherland.  Being  a  British  air 
it  belonged  to  the  British  colonists  just  as  much  as  it  did  to  the  Britons 
at  home.  When  we  gained  national  independence,  did  the  Americans 
forthwith  deprive  themselves  of  the  English  language,  of  English 
literature,  English  tastes,  of  all  the  ties  formed  by  an  English  ances- 
try? Why  should,  then,  Americans  renounce  their  original  part- 
ownership  of  the  air  of  "God  save  the  King?"  Why  should  it  not  be 
perfectly  natural  for  them,  in  short,  American,  to  use  for  their  national 
anthem  an  air  which,  historically  considered,  they  need  not  even  bor- 
row? Certain  it  is  that  after  1776  the  air  was  not  treated  with  this 
comparatively  recent  chauvinism.  Young  America  sang  patriotic 
songs  like  "God  save  America,"  "God  save  George  Washington," 
"God  save  the  President,"  and  that  "song  made  by  a  Dutch  lady  at 
the  Hague  for  the  sailors  of  the  five  American  vessels  at  Amsterdam, 
June,  1779,"  printed  in  the  Pennsylvania  Packet  and  called  "God 
save  the  thirteen  States,"  without  the  slightest  misgivings.  Thomas 
Dawes,  jr.,  used  the  air  for  his  ode  sung  at  the  entertainment  given 
on  Bunker's  Hill  by  the  proprietors  of  Charles  River  bridge  at  the 
opening  of  the  same  in  1786  or  1787.  It  begins  "Now  let  rich  music 
sound,"  and  may  be  found  on  pages  133-134  of  the  American  Musical 
Miscellany,  1798.  Indeed,  this  once  standard  collection  included 
(on  pp.  130-132)  an  "Ode  for  the  Fourth  of  July,"  the  words  of  which 
"Come  all  ye  sons  of  song"  were  sung  to  the  supposedly  un-American 
air  of  "God  save  the  King."  The  most  curious  use,  however,  was 
made  of  this  air  by  an  early  American  suffragette.  In  the  Phila- 
delphia Minerva,  October  17,  1795,  appeared  in  the  "Court  of  Apollo" 
a  poem  under  the  title  "Rights  of  Woman"  by  a  lady,  tune  "God 
save  America,"  and  beginning: 

God  save  each  Female's  right 
Show  to  her  ravish'd  sight 
Woman  is  free. 

To  contribute  to  the  discussion  of  the  origin  of  "God  save  the  King" 
from  tlu's  side  of  the  ocean  would  be  preposterous.  Whether  Chap- 
pell,  Chrysander,  Cummings,  etc.,  have  exhausted  the  subject  or  not 
would  be  extremely  difficult  for  any  American  to  investigate.  The 
literature  mentioned  in  the  appendix  to  this  report  will  enable  those 


78  America. 

interested  in  the  problem  to  exercise  their  critical  faculties,  though 
it  is  very  doubtful  if  they  could  sum  up  the  whole  matter  more 
admirably  than  was  done  by  Sir  George  Grove  and  Mr.  Frank  Kidson 
in  the  new  edition  of  Grove's  "Dictionary  of  Music  &  Musicians." 
Yet  one  remark  I  feel  unable  to  repress.  The  efforts  unreservedly 
to  attribute  the  air  of  "God  save  the  King"  to  Dr.  John  Bull 
(1619),  merely  because  a  few  notes  are  similar,  remind  me  of  Mr. 
Bison's  witty  observation  that  with  such  arguments  the  main  theme 
of  the  last  movement  of  Beethoven's  Ninth  Symphony  would  come 
very  close  to  being  inspired  by  "Yankee  Doodle." 


YANKEE  DOODLE 


"Yankee  Doodle"  is  sometimes  called  a  national  song — incor- 
rectly so,  because,  with  a  now  practically  obsolete  text  or  texts,  it 
is  hardly  ever  sung,  but  merely  played  as  an  instrumental  piece. 
Though  no  longer  a  national  song,  it  is  still  a  national  air  and  second 
only  to  "Dixie"  in  patriotic  popularity.  For  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  "Yankee  Doodle"  has  appealed  to  our  people,  and  the 
tune  shows  no  sign  of  passing  into  oblivion.  Surely,  a  tune  of  such 
vitality  must  have  some  redeeming  features.  This  remark  is  directed 
against  those  who  have  ridiculed  the  musical  merits  of  " Yankee 
Doodle"  or  treated  it  with  contempt.  That  Schubert  would  not 
have  composed  such  an  air  is  obvious  enough,  and  it  is  equally 
obvious  that  as  a  national  air  " Yankee  Doodle"  does  not  direct 
itself  to  our  sense  of  majesty,  solemnity,  dignity.  It  frankly  appeals 
to  our  sense  of  humor.  Critics,  pedantic  or  flippant,  have  over- 
looked the  fact  that  every  nation  has  its  humorous,  even  burlesque, 
patriotic  airs,  and  that  these  are  just  as  natural  and  useful  as  solemn 
airs — indeed,  more  so,  occasionally.  As  a  specimen  of  burlesque, 
even  "slangy,"  musical  humor,  "Yankee  Doodle"  may  safely  hold 
its  own  against  any  other  patriotic  air.  But  why  apologize  or 
explain,  since  the  matter  was  summed  up  so  neatly  many  years 
ago — at  least  as  early  as  the  Songster's  Museum,  Hartford,  1826, 
in  the  lines: 

Yankee  Doodle  is  the  tune 

Americans  delight  in 
'Twill  do  to  whistle,  sing  or  play, 

And  just  the  thing  for  fighting. 

which  apparently  are  the  polished  descendants  of  the  lines  in  the 
Columbian  Songster,  1799,  under  the  title  of  "American  Spirit:" 

Sing  Yankee  Doodle,  that  fine  tune 

Americans  delight  in. 
It  suits  for  peace,  it  suits  for  fun, 

It  suits  as  well  for  fighting. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  air  has  found  its  way  with  more  or  less 
effect  into  the  works  of  modern  composers,  such  as  Rubinstein, 
Wieniawski,  Schelling.  However,  be  its  esthetic  appeal  to  musicians 
weak  or  strong,  this  much  is  certain :  Exceedingly  few  airs  have 
stirred  antiquarians  to  pile  a  mass  of  literature  around  their  origin 

79 


80  Ya nkee    Doodle . 

as  has  "Yankee  Doodle."  But  how  grotesque,  that  the  two  most 
painstaking  contributions  to  the  subject  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  should 
have  remained  unpublished!  I  mean  those  by  Mr.  Moore  and 
Mr.  Matthews.  Mr.  George  H.  Moore's  paper,  called  "Notes  on 
the  origin  and  history  of  Yankee  Doodle,"  and  read  first  before 
the  New  York  Historical  Society  on  December  1,  1885,  acquired  for 
its  author  the  reputation  of  knowing  more  about  our  air  than  any 
other  person  then  living;  yet  this  famous  paper  was  never  printed. 
Indeed,  even  the  manuscript  disappeared  in  the  fogs  of  mystery 
until  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  of  Boston,  whose  amazingly  elaborate 
research  in  the  history  of  Americanisms  brought  him  into  close  con- 
tact with  "Yankee  Doodle,"  traced  it  to  Doctor  Moore's  son. 
Mr.  Matthews  made  extracts  from  the  manuscript  for  his  own  pur- 
pose, and  this  purpose  has  been  for  many  years  to  write  an  exhaustive 
history  of  "Yankee  Doodle" — at  any  rate,  as  far  as  its  literary  history 
goes.  Mr.  Matthews  contributed  several  papers  on  the  subject  to 
the  Colonial  Society  of  Massachusetts,  but  these  papers,  too,  have 
remained  unpublished  and  are  not  accessible  to  the  public;  nor 
have  I  seen  them,  but,  after  having  collected  the  bulk  of  my  data 
and  having  gained  control  over  the  subject  in  form  and  substance, 
I  entered  into  a  fruitful  correspondence — mutually  fruitful,  I  hope — 
with  Mr.  Matthews  on  "Yankee  Doodle."  His  generosity  in  parting 
with  data  and  information,  patiently  gathered  for  his  own  work 
and  perhaps  for  theories  differing  from  mine,  has  enabled  me  to 
polish  this  report  and  in  many  places  to  strengthen  the  line  of 
argument  where  I  felt  dissatisfied  with  it. 

YANKEE,  A   NICKNAME   FOB   NEW   ENGLANDERS. 

The  nickname  "Yankee"  is  usually  and  has  so  been  applied  by 
Europeans  for  a  long  time  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  in  general 
as  distinguished  from  other  Americans.  In  our  own  country  the  nick- 
name still  retains  a  New  England  flavor,  in  keeping  with  the  history 
of  the  term.  This  statement  seems  to  be  contradicted  by  what 
Mr.  Albert  Matthews  wrote  to  the  author  under  date  of  November  30, 
1908: 

It  has  been  taken  for  granted  by  all  writers  that  originally  the  word  Yankee  was 
applied  to  New  Englanders  only.  My  material  shows  that  this  is  a  mistake  and 
that  originally  the  word  was  applied  by  the  British  to  any  American  colonist,  and 
was  applied  by  the  American  colonists  themselves  to  the  inhabitants  of  some 
colony  other  than  their  own .  Thus,  Pennsylvanians  called  the  Connecticut  settlers 
in  the  Wyoming  Valley  Yankees,  but  did  not  call  themselves  Yankees.  Again, 
Virginians  called  Marylanders  Yankees,  but  did  not  apply  the  term  to  themselves. 
I  am  speaking,  you  understand,  of  the  decade  between  1765  and  1775.  Now  as 
the  year  1775  is  approached,  it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  there  was  a  tendency  to 
locate  the  Yankees  more  especially  in  New  England. 


Ya nkee    D oodle .  81 

Mr.  Matthews's  material  has  not  yet  been  published,  and  it  is  not  yet 
necessary  to  accept  his  interpretation  of  reference  to  the  early  use  of 
"Yankee"  as  the  only  correct  one.  Therefore,  the  author  of  this 
report  still  holds  that  the  nickname,  while  perhaps  originally  not 
confined  to  New  Englanders,  was  preferably  applied  to  them  by  the 
colonists  and  that  a  Virginian,  Marylander,  Pennsylvanian,  or  New 
Yorker  of  colonial  times,  let  us  say  after  1760,  would  hardly  have  con- 
sidered it  a  compliment  to  be  called  "  Yankee." 

This  does  not  argue  that  the  British  knew  or  always  drew  the  local 
distinction,  or  that  their  use  of  the  word  always  implied  ridicule  either 
of  the  Americans  in  general  or  the  New  Englanders  in  particular.  At 
any  rate,  no  satirical  flavor  attaches  to  the  word  when  Gen.  James 
Wolfe  (see  his  "Life,"  1864,  p.  437,  by  R.  Wright)  wrote  under  date 
of  June  19,  1758,  "North  East  Harbour  (Louisbourg)  to  General 
Amherst:" 

My  posts  are  now  so  fortified  that  I  can  afford  you  the  two  companies  of  Yankees 
and  the  more  as  they  are  better  for  ranging  and  scouting  than  either  work  or 
vigilance. 

How  sectional  the  term  still  was  shortly  before  our  war  for  inde- 
pendence may  be  illustrated  by  a  reference  to  J.  H.  T.'s  communica- 
tion to  the  Historical  Magazine  (1857,  Vol.  I,  p.  375) : 

In  "Oppression,"  a  Poem  by  an  American  with  notes  by  a  North  Briton,  .  .  . 
London,  Printed;  Boston,  Reprinted  .  .  .  1765,  this  word  is  introduced  and 
explained  as  follows.  The  writer  denounces  Mr.  Huske  (then  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Commons,  for  Maldon  in  Essex),  as  the  originator  of  the  scheme  for 
taxing  the  colonies; 

"From  meanness  first,  this  Portsmouth  Yankey  rose 
And  still  to  meanness  all  his  conduct  flows; 
This  alien  upstart,  by  obtaining  friends, 
From  T-wn-nd's  clerk,  a  M-ld-n  member  ends." 

[Note] ' '  Portsmouth  Yankey."  It  seems  our  hero  being  a  new  Englander  by  birth, 
has  a  right  to  the  epithet  of  Yankey;  a  name  of  derision,  I  have  been  informed,  given 
by  the  Southern  people  on  the  Continent,  to  those  of  New  England:  what  meaning 
there  is  in  the  word,  I  never  could  learn."  (p.  10). 

In  the  same  volume  of  the  Historical  Magazine  (pp.  91-92)  atten- 
tion is  drawn  by  B.  H.  H.  to  an  unpublished  letter  which  Robert  Yates, 
the  sheriff  of  Albany  County,  N.  Y.,  wrote  on  July  20,  1771,  on  his 
return  from  an  official  visit  to  Bennington,  Vt.,  and  in  which  he  refers 
to  the  inhabitants  of  this  town,  thus: 

We  received  an  account  from  the  Yankies  that  they  would  not  give  up  the  pos- 
session [of  the  farm]  but  would  keep  it  at  all  events. 

and  again: 

We  had  discovered  that  the  Yankees  had  made  all  the  necessary  preparations 
to  give  us  the  warmest  reception. 
85480—09 6 


82  Ya nkee    Doodle . 

In  the  extract  of  a  letter  dated  Hartford  and  printed  in  the  New 
York  Journal,  June  15,  1775,  describing  the  capture  of  letters  from 
the  "high  flying"  Tory,  Robert  Temple,  occurs  this  sentence: 

Other  letters  are  full  of  invectives  against  the  poor  Yankerx,  as  they  call  us. 

In  the  "Journal  of  the  most  remarkable  occurrences  in  Quebec, 
1775-1776,  by  an  officer  of  the  garrison"  (rep.  by  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc. 
1880,  p.  222),  we  read: 

The  New  Yorkers  look  upon  themselves  as  being  far  superior  to  what  they  call 
the  Yankies,  meaning  the  people  of  Connecticut,  Massachusetts,  Rhode-Island 
and  New  Hampshire,  who  effect  a  disgusting  pre-eminence  and  take  the  lead  in 
every  thing. 

Rev.  Wm.  Gordon,  when  describing  the  skirmishes  at  Concord  and 
Lexington  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  May  10,  1775,  says: 

They  [the  British  troops]  were  roughly  handled  by  the  Yankees,  a  term  of 
reproach  for  the  New  Englanders,  when  applied  by  the  regulars. 

Silas  Deane,  when  writing  June  3,  1775  one  of  his  characteristic 
letters  from  Philadelphia  to  his  wife,  after  describing  graphically  the 
Continental  Congress,  remarks: 

.  .  .  indeed,  not  only  the  name  of  a  Yankee,  but  of  a  Connecticut  man  in  par- 
ticular, is  become  very  respectable  this  way, 

and  James  Thacher,  in  his  Military  Journal  from  1775  to  1783  (p.  72), 
commenting  on  the  difference  "  between  troops  from  Southern  States 
and  those  from  New  England,"  remarked: 

it  could  scarcely  be  expected  that  people  from  distant  colonies,  differing  in  manners 
and  prejudices  could  at  once  harmonize  in  friendly  intercourse.  Hence  we  too 
frequently  hear  the  burlesque  epithet  of  Yankee  from  one  party,  and  that  of  Buck- 
skin, by  way  of  retort,  from  the  other. 

These  and  other  references  would  imply  not  only  that  the  term  was 
preferably  used  by  New  Yorkers  and  the  British  soldiers  against  New 
Englanders;  that  it  was  derisive,  or  at  least  not  complimentary;  that 
it  was  comparatively  unfamiliar  to  the  New  Englanders;  and  that  it 
had  not  yet  been  adopted  by  them  for  home  use.  They  adopted  it 
during  the  war,  however,  and  took,  as  happens  quite  frequently  to 
derisive  nicknames,  great  pride  in  calling  themselves,  or  being  called, 
"Yankees."  For  instance,  Anburey  states  in  his  "Travels,"  writing 
from  Cambridge,  1777,  "  after  the  affair  of  Bunker's  Hill  the  Americans 
gloried  in  it." 

DERIVATION   OF   THE    WORDS    "YANKEE   DOODLE." 

The  annotator  of  the  poem  "Oppression"  expressed  his  inability 
in  1765  to  explain  the  meaning  of  the  word.  To-day  he  would  rather 
experience  the  difficulty  of  choosing  between  the  various  etymological 
explanations.  The  word  "Yankee"  gradually  came  to  fascinate  the 


Ya nkee    Doodle  .  83 

historian  of  words  until  about  1850  this  fascination  reached  its  climax. 
Since  then  the  craze  has  subsided,  yet  any  number  of  explanations 
are  still  current  and  proffered  as  facts,  merely  on  the  presumption  that 
embellished  reiteration  of  statements  correctly  or  incorrectly  quoted 
produces  facts.  Without  an  attempt  to  be  exhaustive,  it  will  be  well 
to  bring  some  semblance  of  order  into  this  literature  by  going  back,  as 
far  as  possible,  to  the  form  in  which  the  different  and  sometimes 
fantastically  developed  theories  originally  appeared. 

Possibly  the  first  (in  print)  appeared  in  the  Pennsylvania  Evening 
Post,  May  25,  1775,  reprinted  from  there  in  the  New  York  Gazetteer, 
June  1,  1775.  It  is  in  form  of  a  short  article: 


ETYMOLOGY    OF   THE    AVORD    YANKEE. 


When  the  New  England  colonies  were  first  settled,  the  inhabitants  were  obliged 
to  fight  their  way  against  many  nations  of  Indians.  They  found  but  little  diffi- 
culty in  subduing  them  at  all,  except  one  tribe,  who  were  known  by  the  name  of 
the  Yankoos,  which  signifies  invincible.  After  the  waste  of  much  blood  and 
treasure,  the  Yankoos  were  at  last  subdued  by  the  New  Englanders.  The  remains 
of  this  nation  (agreeable  to  the  Indian  custom)  transferred  their  name  to  their  con- 
querors. For  a  while  they  were  called  Yankoos;  but  from  a  corruption,  common 
to  names  in  all  languages,  they  got  through  time  the  name  of  Yankees.  A  name 
which  we  hope  will  soon  be  equal  to  that  of  a  Roman,  or  an  ancient  Englishman. 

It  is  a  suspicious  coincidence  that  the  derivation  of  "Yankee"  from 
Yankoo,  meaning  "  invincible,"  should  have  been  brought  forward  at 
the  beginning  of  our  hostilities  with  the  English.  Furthermore,  it 
never  has  been  the  Indian  custom  to  transfer  their  names  to  their  con- 
querors, nor  has  it  been  the  custom  of  the  latter  to  acquiesce  in  such  a 
transfer,  though  they  adopted  many  Indian  names  for  localities. 
Worst  of  all  for  this  etymology,  which  has  been  accepted  in  all  serious- 
ness by  several  writers,  an  Indian  tribe  by  the  name  of  "Yankoos  "  is 
not  known  to  have  existed.  To  illustrate  the  extremes  to  which 
credulity  in  historical  matters  may  lead,  the  following  extraordinary 
yarn  with  reference  to  the  "Yankoo"  theory  may  be  quoted  from  the 
Magazine  of  American  History  (1891,  vol.  25,  p.  256),  where  L.  A. 
Alderman  writes: 

John  Dresser  Chamberlain,  my  grandfather,  wrote  in  1870:  "According  to  tra- 
dition we  descended  from  two  brothers  who  came  from  England,  one  of  whom 
settled  in  Massachusetts  and  the  other  in  Connecticut.  Benjamin  Chamberlain, 
a  descendant  of  the  Massachusetts  stock,  was  a  great  warrior  against  the  Indians, 
and  many  of  his  exploits  were  printed  in  his  biography.  One  was  that  he  fought 
the  Yankoo  chief —  Yankoo  meaning  'conqueror'  in  English — and  whipped  him. 
Then  the  chief  said:  'I  no  more  Yankoo,  you  Yankoo,'  and  from  that  time  and 
circumstance  the  name  was  transferred  to  the  whites,  now  called  Yankees. 
Benjamin  Chamberlain  lived  at  Southborough,  Massachusetts,  during  the  Revo- 
lutionary war."  [!!] 


84  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

A  second  theory  of  derivation  was  first  printed  in  Gordon's  His- 
tory of  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Establishment  of  the  Independence  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  (London,  1788,  Vol.  I,  p.  481) : 

You  may  wish  to  know  the  origin  of  the  term  Yankee.  Take  the  best  account  of 
it  which  your  friend  can  procure.  It  was  a  cant,  favorite  word  with  farmer  Jona- 
than Hastings  of  Cambridge  about  1713.  Two  aged  ministers,  who  were  at  the 
college  in  that  town,  have  told  me,  they  remembered  it  to  have  been  then  in  use 
among  the  students,  but  had  no  recollections  of  it  before  that  period.  The  in- 
ventor used  it  to  express  excellency.  A  Yankee  good  horse,  or  Yankee  cider  and 
the  like,  were  an  excellent  good  horse,  and  excellent  cider.  The  students  used  to 
hire  horses  of  him;  their  intercourse  with  him,  and  his  use  of  the  term  upon  all 
occasions,  led  them  to  adopt  it  and  they  gave  him  the  name  of  Yankee  Jon.  He 
was  a  worthy,  honest  man,  but  no  conjurer.  This  could  not  escape  the  notice  of 
the  collegiates.  Yankee  probably  became  a  by-word  among  them  to  express  ft 
weak,  simple,  outward  person;  was  carried  from  the  college  with  them  when  they 
left  it  and  was  in  that  way  inculcated  .  .  .  till  from  its  currency  in  New  England, 
it  was  at  length  taken  up  and  unjustly  applied  to  the  New  Englanders  in  common, 
as  a  term  of  reproach. 

This  version,  of  course,  depends  on  the  actual  existence  of  a  farmer, 
Jonathan  Hastings,  about  1713.  The  assumption  is  corroborated  by 
the  " Proprietors 's  Records"  of  Cambridge,  Mass.,  which  prove  a 
farmer  and  tanner,  Jonathan  Hastings,  to  have  been  quite  prominent 
in  the  affairs  of  the  town  about  this  time.  Page's  History  of  Cam- 
bridge, 1877,  further  proves  that  Jonathan  was  born  July  15,  1672, 
and  died  August  20,  1742.  These  facts  do  not  yet  establish  a  con- 
nection between  Jonathan  Hastings  and  the  use  of  the  term  "  Yankee  " 
as  maintained  by  Gordon,  but  the  editor  of  the  Massachusetts  Maga- 
zine, 1795  (p.  301),  while  tracing  the  author  of  "Father  Abdy's  will," 
incidentally  comes  to  our  rescue.  He  writes  that  Rev.  John  Seccombe, 
the  reputed  author  of  "Father  Abdy's  will,"  in  a  letter  (which  the 
editor  had  before  him)  dated  "Cambridge,  Sept.  27,  1728,"  to  his 
friend  Thaddeus  Mason,  both  Harvard  men,  gives  a  '  'most  humorous 
narrative  of  the  fate  of  a  goose  roasted  at '  Yankey  Hastings's,'  "  and 
it  concludes  with  a  poem  on  the  occasion  in  the  mock  heroic. 

Accordingly,  Jonathan  Hastings,  of  Cambridge,  bore  the  nickname 
of  "Yankey"  in  1728  at  Harvard.  This  may  be  considered  an 
established  fact,  and  though  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  Gor- 
don's account  is  based  on  equal  facts,  we  may  accept  the  reminis- 
cences of  the  two  aged  ministers  as  substantially  correct,  however 
embellished  in  course  of  time.  The  objectionable  feature  of  this 
account  is  that  Hastings  is  called  the  inventor  of  the  term.  It  is 
all  the  more  objectionable  in  view  of  the  following  communication  of 
J.  T.  F.  to  Notes  and  Queries,  1878  (5th  ser.,  vol.  10,  p.  467) : 

The  inventory  of  the  effects  of  William  Marr,  formerly  of  Morpeth,  and  after- 
wards "of  Carolina,  in  parts  beyond  the  seas,  but  in  the  parish  of  St.  Dunstan, 
Stepney"  (1725),  ends  with,  "Item  one  negro  man  named  Yankee  to  be  sold." 
Mr.  W.  Woodman,  of  Morpeth,  has  the  document. 


Ya nkee    D oodle  .  85 

The  natural  inference  from  this  is  that  Hastings  did  not  invent  the 
term.  He  bore  it  as  a  nickname  about  1728,  and  probably  came  to 
it  in  the  manner  described  by  the  tradition.  Where  he  and  from 
whom  he  borrowed  it  remains  to  be  ascertained,  and  also  whether  he 
used  the  word  in  its  original  meaning  or  simply  (though  it  may  have 
had  a  totally  different  meaning  originally)  because  he  liked  the 
sound  of  it.  At  any  rate,  the  Jonathan  Hastings  theory  leads  merely 
to  an  early  use  of  the  word,  but  not  to  its  origin.  Nor  is  the  process 
plausible  that  the  term  should  have  become  so  popular  through  the 
exertions  of  Jonathan  Hastings  and  his  Harvard  friends  that  it 
spread  from  Cambridge,  Mass.,  through  the  vast  but  thinly  popu- 
lated colonies  and  became,  within  fifty  years,  the  reproachful  nick- 
name of  the  New  Englanders  in  general,  among  whom  the  term 
"Yankee"  does  not  appear  to  have  been  current. 

A  third  derivation  of  the  term  "Yankee"  is  given  by  Anburey, 
who  in  1777  wrote  in  a  letter  from  Cambridge  (Travels  through  .  .  . 
America,"  1789,  vol.  2,  p.  50) : 

...  it  is  derived  from  a  Cherokee  word,  eankke,  which  signifies  coward  and 
slave.  This  epithet  of  yankee  was  bestowed  upon  the  inhabitants  of  New  England 
by  the  Virginians,  for  not  assisting  them  in  a  war  with  the  Cherokees,  and  they 
have  always  been  held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name  has  been  more  prevalent 
since  the  commencement  of  hostilities  .  .  . 

This  statement  would  be  acceptable  if  it  could  be  corroborated.  A 
letter  of  inquiry  addressed  to  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology 
brought  this  reply  (August  18,  1908)  from  Mr.  James  Mooney,  the 
eminent  authority  on  the  Cherokee  Indians: 

The  Cherokee  words  for  coward  and  for  slave  (worker,  or  live  stock  property) 
respectively,  are  udaskasti  and  atsinatlufti. 

The  Cherokee  name  for  the  "Yankees,"  Ani-  Yungi,  is  simply  their  form  for 
"Yankee,"  in  the  plural  .  .  . 

In  private  conversation  Mr.  Mooney  further  expressed  his  opinion 
that  no  word  like  eankke,  of  whatever  meaning,  exists  in  the  Cherokee 
language. 

A  third  Indian  derivation  was  advanced  in  "Diedrich  Knicker- 
bocker's History  of  New  York"  (1809  (First  ed.),  vol.  1,  p.  169),  in 
the  chapter  on  "The  ingenious  people  of  Connecticut  and  there- 
abouts." Diedrich  waxes  eloquent  over  "that  grand  palladium  of 
our  country,  the  liberty  of  speech,  or  as  it  has  been  more  vulgarly 
denominated  the  gift  of  the  gab"  and  then  proceeds: 

The  simple  aborigines  of  the  land  for  a  while  contemplated  these  strange  folk 
in  utter  astonishment,  but  discovering  that  they  wielded  harmless  though  noisy 
weapons,  and  were  a  lively,  ingenious,  good-humoured  race  of  men,  they  became 
very  friendly  and  sociable,  and  gave  them  the  name  of  Yanokies,  which  in  the 
Mais-Tschusaeg  (or  Massachusett)  language  signifies  silent  men — a  waggish  appel- 
lation, since  shortened  into  the  familiar  epithet  of  Yankees,  which  they  retain 
unto  the  present  day. 


86  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

This  is  in  Washington  Irving's  best  satirical  vein.  He  makes  his 
Diedrich  Knickerbocker  kill  two  birds  with  one  stone,  satirizing  the 
New  Englanders  and  at  the  same  time  those  freak  etymologies  of 
the  term  "Yankee"  that  were  just  then  beginning  to  attract  public 
attention.  Diedrich  Knickerbocker's  delightful  narrative  is  full  of 
such  etymological  pranks.  Yet  some  people  did  not  appreciate  the 
joke  nor  see  the  point,  but  adduced  in  all  seriousness  Washington 
Irving's  authority  when  further  experimenting  with  the  puzzling 
term. 

The  derivation  of  "Yankee"  from  the  Indian  language,  which  has 
attracted  more  attention  than  any  other  and  is  now  current  in  the 
principal  dictionaries,  is  presumably  due  to  Heckewelder's  "History, 
Manners,  and  Customs  of  the  Indian  Nations,"  Philadelphia,  1819. 
In  the  third  chapter  he  writes  of  the  "Indian  relations  and  the  con- 
duct of  the  Europeans  towards  them,"  and  while  dealing  with  the 
Lenape,  Mohicans,  and  kindred  tribes,  speaks  of  the  Indian  tradition 
surrounding  the  arrival  first  of  the  "Dutchemaan"  at  "  Mandhach- 
tanienlc"  (Manhattan)  and  subsequently  of  the  "  Yengeese."  In  a 
footnote  he  explains  the  latter  term  as  being  "an  Indian  corruption 
of  the  word  English,  whence  probably  the  nickname  Yankees." 
This  passing  hint  is  elaborated  by  Heckewelder  in  the  thirteenth 
chapter  of  his  book  (p.  130)  as  follows: 

The  first  name  given  by  the  Indians  to  the  Europeans  who  landed  in  Virginia 
was  Wapsid  Lenape  (white  people),  when,  however,  afterwards  they  began  to 
commit  murder  on  the  red  men,  whom  they  pierced  with  swords,  they  gave  to 
the  Virginians  the  name  Mechanschican  (long  knives)  to  distinguish  them  from 
others  of  the  same  colour. 

In  New  England,  they  at  first  endeavoured  to  imitate  the  sound  of  the  national 
name  of  the  English,  which  they  pronounced  Yengees.  They  also  called  them 
Chauquaquock,  (men  of  knives)  for  having  imported  these  instruments  into  the 
country,  which  they  gave  as  presents  to  the  natives.0  The  Mohicans  of  that 
country  called  them  Tschachgoos;  [later]  they  dropped  that  name,  and  called  the 
whites  by  way  of  derision,  Schwannack,  which  signifies  salt  beings,  or  bitter  things. 

.  .  .  They  never  apply  it  to  the  Quakers,  whom  they  greatly  love  .  .  .  they 
call  them  Quaekels,  not  having  in  their  language  the  sound  expressed  by  our 
letter  R  .  .  . 

These  were  the  names  which  the  Indians  gave  to  the  whites  until  the  middle 
of  the  Revolutionary  War,  when  they  were  reduced  to  the  following  three: 

1.  Mechanschican  or  Chanschican  (long  knives)  [Virginians  and  Middle  colonies]. 

2.  Yengees.    This  name  they  now  exclusively  applied  to  the  people  of  New 
England,  who,  indeed,  appeared  to  have  adopted  it,  and  were,  as  they  still  are, 

'generally  through  the  country  called  Yankees,  which  is  evidently  the  same  name 
with  a  trifling  alteration  .  .  .    The  proper  English  they  called  Saggenash. 

3.  Quaeckels  .  .  .    Not  only  the  Dela wares,  but  all  the  nations  round  them 
make  use  of  these  names  and  with  the  same  relative  application. 

a  Rogers 'B  Key  into  the  language  of  the  Indians  of  New  England,  ch.  VI. 


Ya nkee    Doodle.  87 

Before  analyzing  this  theory  of  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  which  has 
been  adopted  with  more  or  less  bold  variations,  one  contemporaneous 
etymological  attempt  which  runs  in  a  similar  vein  may  be  mentioned. 
It  appeared  as  a  note  to  the  appendix  of  John  Trumbull's  "Poetical 
works,"  Hartford,  1820: 

Yanlnes.  The  first  settlers  of  New  England  were  mostly  emigrants  from  London 
and  its  vicinity,  and  exclusively  styled  themselves  the  English.  The  Indians, 
in  attempting  to  utter  the  word  English,  with  their  broad  gutteral  accent,  gave 
it  a  sound  which  would  be  nearly  represented  in  this  way,  Yaunghees,  the  letter 
g  being  pronounced  hard,  and  approaching  to  the  sound  of  k  joined  with  a  strong 
aspirate,  like  the  Hebrew  chetz,  or  the  Greek  chi,  and  the  I  suppressed,  as  almost 
impossible  to  be  distinctly  heard  in  that  combination.  The  Dutch  settlers  on 
the  river  Hudson  and  the  adjacent  country,  during  their  long  contest  concerning 
the  right  of  territory,  adopted  the  name,  and  applied  it  in  contempt  to  the  inhab- 
itants of  New  England  .  .  .  This  seems  the  most  probable  origin  of  the  term. 
The  pretended  Indian  tribe  of  Yankoos  does  not  appear  to  have  ever  had  an 
existence  .  .  . 

The  sum  and  substance  of  these  derivations  is  the  supposed  dif- 
ficulty of  the  Indians  in  pronouncing  the  word  "English"  without 
corrupting  it.  The  explanation  seemed  plausible,  and  it  was  adopted, 
mentioning  Heckewelder  as  authority,  by  Webster  in  the  first  edition 
(1828)  of  his  dictionary.  By  1841  had  been  added  "or  more  prob- 
ably of  the  French  word  Anglois,"  but  in  1848  the  editor,  not  seeing 
the  fine  point  of  defense,  changed  Anglois  into  Anglais.  In  support 
of  this  corruption  theory  a  passage  in  Hutchinson's  "History  of  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts-Bay,"  (1764,  vol.  1,  p.  479),  was  remem- 
bered: 

It  was  observed  that  without  the  greatest  difficulty,  they  [the  Indians]  could 
not  be  brought  to  pronounce  the  letter  L  or  R.  For  Lobster,  they  said  Nobstan. 

Having  remembered  this,  one  M.  N.  G.,  in  Notes  and  Queries,  1877 
(5th  ser.,  vol.  7,  p.  338),  summed  the  whole  theory  up  with  all  its 
virtues  and  defects  in  these  words: 

They  [the  Indians]  lengthened  and  softened  the  vowels;  thus  even  a  clever 
Indian  could  not  pronounce  English  better  than  Eengeesh.  Most  Indians  would 
be  still  wider  off  the  mark  and  the  common  pronunciation  was  probably  Angees 
(the  g  hard),  or  Ankees. 

The  trouble  with  this  entire  theory  is  that  Rev.  John  Heckewelder 
(born  1743  at  Bedford,  England)  did  not  begin  his  labors  among  the 
Indians  until  1762.  He  abandoned  the  task  before  the  expiration 
of  the  year.  Between  1765  and  1771  he  went  on  short  missionary 
expeditions.  His  actual  career  as  an  important  evangelist  among 
the  Indians  began  in  1771,  his  real  services  to  Indian  archeology, 
however,  not  until  1810,  and  his  book  on  the  Indians  was  not  pub- 
lished until  1819.  Sixty  years  are  ample  to  form  mental  associations 
of  disconnected  data  to  amalgamate  heterogeneous  historical  matter 


88  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

and  traditions.  Important  as  Heckewelder's  "History"  is,  it  is  now 
reputed  to  suffer  from  too  credulous  an  assimilation  of  fact  and  fancy, 
and  while  much  of  the  book  reads  as  if  he  had  gathered  the  informa- 
tion at  first  hand,  it  may  easily  be  proved  that  it  frequently  was  of 
second  hand  and  that  previous  books  on  the  subject  had  been  freely 
used.  For  instance,  he  says  that  the  Englishmen  were  called 
" Chauquaquock  (men  of  knives)"  and  he  refers  in  a  footnote  to 
"Rogers'sKey  .  .  ."  Such  a  book  does  not  exist,  but  Heckewelder 
did  mean  and  use  Roger  Williams's  "Key  into  the  language  of 
America,"  London,  1643,  and  there  may  be  found  (see  Reprint  by 
the  Rhode  Island  Hist.  Soc.,  1827,  p.  51) : 

Chauqock.    A  knife. 

Obs.:  Whence  they  call  Englishmen  Chauquaquock,  that  is  knivemen.  .  .  . 

To  this  he  adds,  on  page  65 : 

Wautacone-nuaog — Englishmen,  men,  that  is,  coat-men,  or  clothed. 
and  on  page  116: 

Englishmannuck — Englishmen . 
Dutchmnanuck — Dutchmen . 

Though  the  absence  of  R  and  L  in  the  Indian  names  of  the  Key  is 
remarkable,  not  a  word  is  said  about  the  difficulty  of  pronouncing 
the  word  English,  and  not  a  single  word  even  faintly  resembling 
Yankee  is  mentioned  in  the  whole  Key.  On  the  other  hand,  Roger 
Williams  does  say,  when  treating  of  the  variety  of  aboriginal  dialects, 
page  96: 

So  that  although  some  pronounce  not  L  nor  R,  yet  it  is  the  most  proper  dialect 
of  other  places,  contrary  to  many  reports. 

In  the  light  of  Roger  Williams's  Key,  1643,  Heckewelder's  state- 
ment, 1819,  unsupported  by  contemporary  evidence,  that  the  "In- 
dians at  first  endeavoured  to  imitate  the  sound  of  the  national  name 
of  the  English,  which  they  pronounced  Yengees,"  loses  its  authority. 
Secondly,  the  critical  historical  method  would  now  demand  that  the 
tribes  with  or  without  the  L  and  R  be  nicely  separated,  and  that  it 
be  traced,  how  either  fared  with  their  supposed  futile  attempt  to 
pronounce  the  word  "English."  Only  by  this  process  of  investiga- 
tion would  we  come  nearer  the  Indian  origin  of  the  word  "Yankee," 
if  it  really  has  an  Indian  origin.  The  manner  in  which  this  origin 
is  developed  backward  does  not  appear  to  strengthen  the  theory. 
For  instance,  let  it  be  supposed  the  word  "Yankee"  originated  with 
the  tribes  who  experienced  no  difficulty  in  pronouncing  the  letter 
L.  Is  it  reasonable  that  then  the  word  "English"  could  have 
become"  Yankee,"  by  changing  the  sound  e  into  a,  adding  y,  harden- 
ing g,  dropping  i  and  sht  If  the  word  originated  with  tribes  who  did 
not  enjoy  the  letters  I  and  r,  the  objections  become  still  more  numer- 


Ya nkee    D oodle  .  89 

ous.  We  know  from  Hutchinson  that  such  Indians  liked  to  sub- 
stitute n  for  Z  and  r  ("lobster"  becoming  "nobstan"),  and  we  know 
from  Governor  Edward  Winslow's  "Good  news  from  England,  Lond. 
1624,"  that  the  Indians  insisted  on  calling  him  Winsnow.  It  follows 
that  the  word  "English,"  even  if  pronounced  with  a  broad  E,  either 
becomes  "Engish"  or  "Engnish."  But  the  goal  is  "Yankee"  and 
can  be  reached  only  by  subtle  softenings,  broadenings,  clippings, 
transformations,  and  additions  of  sound.  The  weakness  of  this 
derivation  could  not  escape  the  attention  of  the  few,  who  are  by 
nature  at  all  fitted  to  reason  not  only  logically  but  methodically,  and 
efforts  were  made  to  substitute  the  word  Anglais  for  English,  thus 
selecting  the  Indians  of  French  Canada  as  possible  godfathers  of  the 
New  England  Yankees.  Brushing  aside  the  Indians'  preference  for 
substituting  an  n  instead  of  dropping  an  Z  altogether,  one  could  with 
less  difficulty  arrive  from  Anglais  at  Yankee.  Unfortunately  for 
this  shift  of  responsibility  from  our  to  the  Canadian  Indians,  the  old 
French  word  for  Englishmen  is  Anglois,  and  therewith,  of  course, 
the  theory  again  drifts  away  from  the  word  "Yankee." 

It  is,  in  view  of  these  observations,  not  at  all  unlikely  that  Hecke- 
welder's  theory  is  one  a  posteriori,  an  afterthought,  knowing,  as  he 
plainly  did,  that  the  nickname  of  "Yankee"  was  confined  in  his 
younger  days  more  or  less  to  the  New  Englanders,  and  having  pos- 
sibly heard  it  suspected  that  the  word  was  of  Indian  provenience,  he 
combined  fact  and  hypothesis  without  further  analysis.  He  took 
for  granted  what  was  merely  a  historical  rumor,  developed  his  story 
from  this  artificial  premise,  and  made  the  facts  subservient  to  his 
afterthought. 

To-day  our  ethnologists,  among  them  Mr.  James  Mooney,  point  to 
other  and  even  more  grotesque  corruptions  of  English  words  by  the 
Indians,  and  by  subtle  phililogical  analysis  they  arrive  at  the  con- 
clusion that  it  was  not  impossible  for  the  word  English  (with  the 
broad  E)  to  have  become  Yankee  in  the  mouths  of  the  southern  New 
England  Indians.  However,  they  merely  concede  the  possibility 
from  the  standpoint  of  philology  and  do  not  positively  commit  them- 
selves to  Heckewelder's  derivation.  Nor  would  this  be  scientific, 
since  we  have  no  evidence  that  the  Indians  actually  used  the  word 
"Yankee." 

Simultaneously  with  the  theory  of  Indian  origin  sprang  up  one 
which  carries  us  to  the  Orient,  to  Persia.  One  B.  H.  H.  in  the  His- 
torical Magazine  (1857,  vol.  1,  pp.  156-157),  drew  attention  to  an 
article  in  the  eighth  volume  of  the  Monthly  Anthology,  Boston, 
1803-1811.  This  article,  dated  "New  Haven,  March  2,  1810,"  and 
signed  W,  purports  to  have  been  copied  from  the  Connecticut  Herald, 
New  Haven,  and  the  editor  suspected  N  .  .  .  W  .  .  .  jun.,  esq., 
to  have  been  the  author.  This  can  but  mean  Noah  Webster,  and  it 


90  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

is  significant  in  this  connection  that  the  Monthly  Anthology  was  in 
the  habit  of  attacking  Webster's  ponderous  methods.  The  article 
is  much  too  long  for  full  quotation.  It  begins  with  the  statement 
that— 

Yankee  appears  to  have  been  uaed  formerly  by  some  of  our  common  farmers  in 
its  genuine  sense.  It  was  an  epithet  descriptive  of  excellent  qualities — as  a 
Yankee  horse,  that  is,  a  horse  of  high  spirit  and  other  good  properties  .  .  . 

After  this  unmistakable  allusion  to  farmer  Yankey  Hastings  and 
some  extraordinary  feats  of  etymology  of  the  type  of  Cicero's  lucus 
a  non  lucendo,  the  author  steers  with  full  sails  into  a  Persian  origin 
of  the  word,  as  follows: 

Now  in  the  Persian  language,  Janghe  or  Jenghe  [that  is  Yankee]  signifies  a  war- 
like man,  a  swift  horse;  also  one  who  is  prompt  and  ready  in  action,  one  who  is 
magnanimous  .  .  .  The  word  Yankee  claims  a  very  honourable  parentage,  for 
it  is  the  precise  title  assumed  by  the  celebrated  Mongolian  Khan,  Jenghis;  and 
in  our  dialect,  his  titles  literally  translated  would  be  Yankee  King,  that  is,  War- 
like Chief.  .  .  . 

The  editor  of  the  Monthly  Anthology  added  that  this  article  reads 
as  if  "intended  for  a  buslesque  upon  those  etymologists  who  are 
always  forcing  derivations  beyond  all  bounds  of  probability."  Not- 
withstanding these  hints,  this  etymological  hoax  directed  against 
Noah  Webster,  whose  dictionary  does  not  contain  any  such  Persian 
definition,  has  been  treated  seriously.  Its  champions  pointed  to  the 
supposed  fact  that  Morier  in  his  "Journey  through  Persia"  said  that 
the  Persians  of  that  day  spoke  of  America  as  Jenghee  Duniah,  and  a 
certain  W.  S.  A.,  under  the  title  of  "Possible  Eastern  Origin  of  Yan- 
Icee  Doodle,  had  this  to  say  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Gen- 
ealogical Register,  volume  20,  July,  1866: 

A  Possible  Eastern  Origin  of  Yankee  Doodle.  I  made  the  following  extract 
from  a  volume  printed  in  London  about  twenty-five  years  ago.  It  is  the  "Journal 
of  Residence  in  England  .  .  .  originally  written  in  Persian  by  H.  R.  H.,  Najaf 
Koolee  Merza  .  .  .  London,"  without  date.  Vol.  II,  p.  146: 

"  As  to  America,  which  is  known  in  the  Turkish  language  by  the  name  of  Yankee 
Dooniah,  or  the  New  World."  On  asking  I  found  that  this  is  generally  correct, 
but  the  literal  translation  of  the  words  is  "End  of  the  World." 

More  fantastic  things  have  happened  than  the  importation  of  an 
oriental  word  "  Yanghee  "  to  America.  Simply  because  such  a  deriva- 
tion appears  to  be  fantastic,  it  must  not  be  brushed  aside  without 
an  effort  to  disprove  it,  for,  after  all,  the  derivations  thus  far  criticised 
are  not  very  much  less  fantastic.  However,  the  oriental  theory  can 
be  proved  to  be  not  only  fantastic  and  extremely  impossible,  but 
incorrect. 

In  the  first  place,  this  gentleman  surreptitiously,  because  he  wanted 
to  prove  something,  exchanged  Yengee  or  Yenghee  and  Yankee,  not 
aware  of  the  fact  that  the  discovery  of  a  word  in  the  language  of 


Ya nkee    Doodle.  91 

some  country  other  than  the  one  where  it  is  known  to  have  been  used 
for  a  century,  proves  nothing  except  its  use.  In  the  second  place, 
Dooniah  and  Doodle  are  not  even  phonetically  related.  Thirdly, 
the  words  do  not  apply  to  North  America,  but  to  South  America. 
Says  James  Morier  in  his  "  Second  Journey  through  Persia  between  the 
years  1810  and  1816,"  London,  1818,  when  describing  the  return  trip 
of  the  Persian  ambassador  from  England  to  Asia  by  way  of  Cape 
Horn: 

On  the  llth  of  September  [1810]  we  made  Cape  Frio;  and  as  we  approached 
the  shore  we  called  the  Persians  to  look  at  the  Yengee  Duniah,  or  the  new  world, 
of  which  in  their  country  they  had  heard  such  wonders  .  .  . 

How  far  this  is  from  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  further  illustrated  by  the 
attempt  at  a  correct  pronunciation  in  the  German  translation  of 
Morier's  book  (1820) :  "Jendschi  DunniaJi." 

Different  again  is  the  derivation  as  suggested  by  Salfin  Notes  and 
Queries,  1879  (5th  ser.,  vol.  11,  p.  38): 

The  word  "Yanks"  is  always  used  in  the  east  of  Lincolnshire  to  describe  the 
coarse,  untanned  leather  gaiters  worn  by  the  country  folk.  There  was  a  large 
exodus  from  this  part  of  the  country  to  America.  Might  not,  therefore,  the  word 
"Yankee"  have  been  used  to  distinguish  those  who  wore  these  gaiters  or  "yanks", 
the  incoming  strangers,  from  the  original  inhabitants,  who  wore  mocassins? 

This  is  delightfully  naive.  One  naturally  asks:  Were  these 
"yanks"  used  and  known  as  such  as  far  back  as  1725?  Were  they 
worn  in  America,  if  at  all,  by  New  Englanders  only?  Were  these 
gaiters  known  here  as  "yanks?"  Who  was  it  that  thus  distinguished 
between  the  immigrants  from  eastern  Lincolnshire  and  the  Indians  ? 

With  such  fantastic  and  naive  methods  the  term  Yankee  may  be 
traced  to  any  desired  language  with  more  or  less  plausibility.  For 
instance,  Mr.  Louis  C.  Elson  hints  at  having  read  of  a  Norwegian 
derivation,  and  Mr.  Nason,  in  a  footnote  to  his  "Monogram"  (p.  21), 
says  that  some  "deduce  it  from  the  old  Scotch  word  Yankie,  a  sharp, 
clever  woman." 

It  would  be  extraordinary  if  the  fact  that  "Yankee  Doodle"  was 
applied  to  their  New  England  neighbors,  preferably  by  the  people 
of  New  York,  whose  population  in  those  days  was  largely  of  Dutch 
origin,  had  not  invited  the  attempts  to  derive  the  term  from  the 
Dutch.  Curiously  enough,  these  attempts,  though  they  all  have 
the  same  object  in  view,  weaken  the  Dutch  theory  somewhat  by 
their  contradictions. 

One  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first,  attempt  to  derive  the  term  from 
the  Dutch  was  noted  by  George  Ticknor.  There  is  to  be  found  in 
his  "Life,  Letters,  and  Journals"  (vol.  2,  p.  124),  the  following  entry: 

January  2, 1888.  I  passed  the  evening  with  Thierry.  .  .  .  He  is  much  skilled 
in  etymology,  and  thinks  our  etymologies  of  the  word  Yankee  are  all  wrong,  and 
that,  having  arisen  from  the  collision  and  jeerings  of  the  Dutch  and  English  in 


92  Ya nkee    Doodle . 

New  York  and  New  England,  it  is  from  the  Dutch  Jan— pronounced  Fan — 
John,  with  the  very  common  diminutive  kee,  and  doodlen,  to  quaver;  which 
would  make  the  whole  "quavering  or  psalm-singing  Jacky  or  Johnny."  Doodle- 
sack  means  a  bagpipe. 

Johnny  would  refer  to  John  Bull;  and  if,  doodltn  be  made  in  the  present  tense, 
Yankee-doodle  would  be  Johnny  that  sings  psalms.  Ilart-kee — my  little  dear 
heart,  and  hundreds  of  other  diminutives,  both  in  endearment  and  in  ridicule, 
are  illustrations  of  the  formation  of  the  word.  It  amused  me  not  a  little,  and 
seems  probable  enough  as  an  etymology,  better  certainly  than  to  bring  it  with 
Noah  Webster  from  the  Persian. 

Somewhat  similar  is  the  derivation  advanced  by  William  Bell,  in 
Notes  and  Queries,  1853  (vol.  7,  p.  103),  under  the  heading  "Yankee, 
its  origin  and  meaning:" 

.  .  .  the  term  is  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin  and  of  home-growth.  .  .  .  We  may,  of 
course,  suppose  that  in  the  multitude  of  these  Dutch  settlers  [of  New  Amsterdam, 
etc.]  the  names  they  carried  over  would  be  pretty  nearly  in  the  same  proportion 
as  at  home.  Both  then  and  now  the  Dutch  Jan  (the  a  sounded  very  broad  and 
long)  .  .  .  was  the  prevailing  abbreviation  appellative;  and  it  even  furnished,  in 
Jansen,  etc.  (like  our  Johnson)  frequent  patronymics,  particularly  with  the  favour- 
ite diminutive  eke,  Jancke;  and  so  common  does  it  still  remain  as  such,  that  it 
would  be  difficult  to  open  the  Directory  of  any  decent  sized  Dutch  or  Northern 
German  town  without  finding  numerous  instances,  as  Jancke,  Jaancke,  Jahncke, 
etc.,  according  as  custom  has  settled  the  orthography  in  each  family.  It  is 
scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  soft  /is  frequently  rendered  by  Y in  our  English 
reading  and  speaking  foreign  words  ...  to  show  how  easily  and  naturally  the 
above  names  were  transformed  into  Yahnkee.  So  far  the  name  as  an  appellative; 
now  for  its  appropriation  as  a  generic.  The  prominent  names  of  individuals  are 
frequently  seized  upon  by  the  vulgar  as  a  designation  of  the  people  or  party  in 
which  it  most  prevails  .  .  .  therefore,  when  English  interests  gained  the  upper 
hand,  and  the  name  of  New  Amsterdam  succumbed  to  that  of  New  York,  the  fresh 
comers,  the  English  settlers,  seized  upon  the  most  prominent  name  by  which 
to  designate  its  former  masters,  which  extended  to  the  whole  of  North  America, 
as  far  as  Canada:  and  the  addition  of  doodle,  twin  brother  to  noodle,  was  intended 
to  mark  more  strongly  the  contempt  and  mockery  by  the  dominant  party.  .  .  . 
It  is,  however,  to  the  credit  of  our  transatlantic  brethren  and  the  best  sign  of 
their  practical  good  sense,  that  they  have  turned  the  tables  on  the  innuendo 
and  by  adopting,  carried  the  term  into  repute  by  sheer  resolution  and  determinate 
perseverance.  .  .  . 

There  the  matter  rested  for  a  while,  except  as  it  was  made  use  of 
for  secondhand  articles,  etc.  Then  the  Notes  and  Queries,  1877 
(5th  ser.,  vol.  7,  p.  338),  printed  a  curiously  illogical  communication 
in  which  these  words  occur: 

Doodle  is  surely  only  an  imitation  of  the  crowing  of  a  cock — the  meaning,  if 
any,  of  Yankee  Doodle  is  New  Englanders,  be  on  the  alert;  or, ' '  show  your  spirit." 

The  absurdity  of  this  apostrophe  in  the  mouth  of  Dutchmen  the 
correspondent  does  not  see,  and  we  may  pass  on  to  the  reference  in 
Notes  and  Queries,  1879  (p.  18),  in  which  a  reader  of  Smollett's 


Ya nkee    D oodle  .  93 

novel  "Sir  Lancelot  Greaves"  (1760)   called  attention  to  Captain 
Crowe's  words  in  third  chapter: 

Proceed  with  the  story  in  a  direct  course,  without  yawing  like  a  Dutch  yanky. 

Here  we  evidently  have  a  Dutch  word  which  is  almost  identical 
with  "yankee,"  but  what  sense  can  there  possibly  be  in  the  combi- 
nation of  a  Dutch  ship  with  the  word  doodle,  which  either  means  fool 
or  to  bagpipe  music  ? 

Different  again  was  Dr.  George  H.  Moore's  derivation,  who  read 
an  (unfortunately  unpublished)  paper  on  the  "  Origin  and  history 
of  Yankee  Doodle"  before  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  Decem- 
ber, 1885.  In  the  meager  report  of  this  paper  in  the  Magazine  of 
American  History  (1886,  vol.  15,  p.  99),  we  read: 

His  theory  of  its  derivation  assigns  the  origin  of  the  word  to  the  Low-Dutch  word 
janker,  which  signifies  "a  howling  cur,  a  yelper,  a  growler,  a  grumbling  person," 
and  he  formed  in  the  history  of  relations  existing  between  the  English  and  Dutch 
sufficient  reason  for  calling  the  English  dogs. 

This  is  driving  the  point  home  with  a  vengeance,  and  therein  lies 
the  weakness  of  the  derivation.  Different  again,  and  assuming,  as 
one  naturally  would,  that  " Yankee"  has  an  ironical,  sarcastic,  but 
not  brutally  insulting  flavor,  is  the  derivation  as  given  by  G.  W.  V.  S. 
in  the  Magazine  of  American  History  (1891,  vol.  26,  p.  236): 

When  the  Holland  Society  made  its  famous  pilgrimage  to  Holland  in  1888  .  .  . 
the  Hon.  H.  D.  Levyssohn-Norman  .  .  .  in  the  course  of  a  very  interesting  speech, 
said:  "Yankee  "  is  an  alteration  of  the  Dutch  word  Jantje  (pronounced  Yantyea), 
equivalent  to  Johnnie,  a  nickname  of  the  Dutch  people.  In  the  days  of  the 
revolution  of  1830,  the  Belgian  insurgents  gave  often  to  a  Dutchman  the  nick- 
name of  "Jantje  Kaas  (Johnnie  Cheese)."  So  that  Yankee  is  derived  from 
Jan  (John),  Jantje  being  its  diminutive. 

But  Jantje  (Yantyea)  and  Yankee  are  not  the  same  in  sound,  and 
if  this  be  the  correct  derivation,  it  is  difficult  to  see  why  Yankee 
should  have  been  preferred  to  the  equally  easy  Yantyea.  If  the 
Dutch,  on  the  other  hand,  actually  do  use  Jancke  (pronounced 
Yankee)  in  the  sense  of  little  John  or  Johnnie,  then  this  would  be 
the  most  plausible  derivation,  and  "Yankee  Doodle"  would  be 
"Johnny  Doodle." 

To  make  sure  of  this  point,  a  letter  of  inquiry  was  sent  to  the 
eminent  Dutch  musical  scholar,  D.  F.  Scheurleer,  at  The  Hague, 
and  he  answered  under  date  of  October  7,  1908,  as  follows: 

.  .  .  Merkwiirdig  genug  hat  man  sich  hier  mit  der  Erorterung  der  Bedeutung 
des  Wortea  Yankee  sehr  wenig  befasst.  Ausgeschlossen  ist  es  nicht,  dass  ein 
holliindisches  Wort  zu  Grunde  liegt.  Der  sehr  allgemein  verbreitete  Taufname 
Jan  (so  allgemein,  dass  friiher  jeder  Kellner  mit  Jan  angerufcn  wurde)  hat  vide 
Diminutiv-Formen  je  nach  dem  Dialekt.  Jantje  (spezial-Name  fiir  unsere 
Matrosen),  Jannetje,  Jannigie,  Janke  (nur  an  einzelnen  Orten  gebriiuchlich). 

Ich  weise  darauf  hin,  ohne  daraus  eine  Folgerung  zu  machen. 


94  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

These,  then,  are  some  of  the  more  or  less  ingenious  attempts  at 
the  etymology  of  the  word  "Yankee,"  but  not  one  of  them  exhibits 
as  much  learning  as  the  eruditely  witty  mock  derivation  of  "  Person 
Junior"  from  the  Greek.  This  essay  (in  the  Democratic  Review,  1839, 
vol.  5,  pp.  213-221)  is  by  all  odds  one  of  the  most  brilliant  contri- 
butions to  the  literature  of  parody. 

Curiously  enough  the  word  "doodle"  has  almost  escaped  the 
onslaughts  of  etymologists,  and  yet  this  word  and  not  "Yankee" 
may  hold  the  key  not  only  to  the  etymological  problem  but  to  that  of 
the  origin,  or  at  least  of  the  age  of  the  tune  "Yankee  Doodle,"  as 
will  be  made  clear  later  on. 

One  popular  derivation  of  the  word  "doodle"  is  from  the  Scotch 
word  doudle,  used  in  the  same  sense  as  the  German  dudeln,  the  slang 
word  for  playing  music.  But  the  Oxford  Dictionary  does  not  trace 
doudle  in  print  earlier  than  Sir  Walter  Scott,  1816.  The  Germans 
also  use  the  word  Dudel-Sack  for  bagpipe,  and  as  the  latter  is  also 
known  in  the  English  language  as  doodle-sack,  it  stands  to  reason 
that  the  Germans  borrowed  their  Dudel-Sack  and  dudeln  from  the 
Scotch.  Similarly  the  Dutch  word  doedelzdk  and  similar  words  are 
not  original  with  the  Dutch,  and  as  Weiland's  Woordenboek,  1826, 
would  allow  us  to  infer,  are  of  comparatively  recent  use  with  them. 
The  Scotch  derivation  of  the  word  "doodle"  is  at  least  plausible, 
whereas  statements  like  this  in  Notes  and  Queries,  1877  (April  28), 
that  "Doodle  is  surely  only  an  imitation  of  a  cock,"  may  be  relegated 
to  the  realm  of  etymological  curiosities,  inspired  perhaps  by  the 
fact  that  in  G.  A.  Stevens'  Songs,  1772,  and  elsewhere,  occurs  the 
expression  "cock  a  doodle  do."  However,  still  more  acceptable 
than  the  Scotch,  a  derivation  will  appear  to  be  which  is  based  on  the 
use  of  the  word  "Doodle"  in  English  dramatic  literature  of  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries.  It  may  be  traced  there  with 
comparative  ease  as  the  following  references,  partly  selected  from 
Mr.  Matthews'  unpublished  material,  will  prove: 

1629.  John  Ford,   "The  Lover's  Melancholy   (act  III,   I):  "Vanish,   doodles, 

vanish." 
1681.  T.  Otway's  "The  Soldier's  Fortune"  (act  I,  2):  Sylvia  asks  Lady  Dunce: 

"Is  your  piece  of  mortality  such  a  doting  doodle"?" 
1683.  In  Edward  Ravenscroft's  "London  Cuckolds"  "Doodle,"  and  "Wiseacre" 

are  the  "Two  aldermen  of  London." 
1706.  In  E.  Ward's  "Humours  of  a  Coffee  House"  (act  II,  283)  Snarl  says:  "Thou 

art  the  meerest  Tom  Doodle  .  .  .  sure  Nature  had  too  much  work  upon 

her  hands  when  thou  wer't  making,  and  clos'd  thy  skull  before  she  put 

the  brains  in." 

1730.  In  H.  Fielding's  Tom  Thumb  "Noodle"  and  "Doodle"  are  "Courtiers 

in  place,  and  consequently  of  that  party  that  is  uppermost!" 

1731.  Chetwood :  ' '  Generous  Free  Mason  " :  or,  the  Constant  lady  with  the  humours 

of  Squire  Noodle,  and  his  Man  Doodle.    A  tragi-comi-farcical  ballad 
opera  ..." 


Ya nkee    D oodle .  95 

1731.  In  the  cast  of  the  Battle  of  the  poets  appear  Noodle  and  Doodle  as  Judges 

of  the  Contention. 
1733.  In  "Rome  excis'd.    A  new  tragi-comi  ballad  opera  "Doodle"  is  "Brother 

to  Cyrenaeus." 

Whether  or  not  Johnson  in  1755  correctly  saw  in  "doodle"  a 
cant  word  possibly  corrupted  from  do  little,  its  meaning  is  clearly 
(see  Oxford  Dictionary)  that  of  a  "simpleton,  noodle,  silly,  or  foolish 
fellow,"  but  generally  of  the  rural  type.  If  these  derivations  of 
"doodle"  be  adopted,  all  difficulties  of  explaining  the  meaning  of 
"Yankee  Doodle"  vanish.  Whatever  the  origin  of  "Yankee" 
might  have  been,  after  "Yankee"  was  preferably  applied  to  the 
New  Englanders,  "Yankee  Doodle"  would  simply  mean  a  New 
England  doodle,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  the  New 
Englanders  did  not  take  kindly  to  this  nickname  "Yankee," 
especially  not  if  it  meant  "Johnny." 

GENEALOGY  OF  THE  THEORIES  ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  SONG  "YANKEE 

DOODLE" 

Though  sometimes  dragged  into  the  discussion,  the  derivation 
of  the  word  "Yankee"  evidently  furnishes  no  tangible  clue  to  the 
origin  of  the  song  "Yankee  Doodle."  The  etymological  labyrinth 
merely  leads  to  the  probability  that  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle" 
were  not  available  for  a  song  until  after  1700.  For  the  discovery 
of  the  origin  of  the  melody,  the  first  recorded  use  of  the  word"  Yankee" 
is  of  absolutely  no  help,  since  melodies,  from  which  certain  words 
finally  become  inseparable,  often  precede  these  words  by  decades. 
The  origin  of  the  song  must  be  traced  in  a  totally  different  direction. 
As  was  the  case  with  the  derivation  of  the  word  "Yankee,"  numerous 
conflicting  accounts  of  the  origin  of  the  song  exist.  Most  of  these, 
too,  are  merely  inaccurate  and  uncritical  reiterations,  embellishments, 
combinations  of  previous  theories.  Only  after  the  genealogy  of 
these  theories  had  been  established,  some  main  arteries  became 
discernible  in  the  confused  mass  of  tradition.  An  attempt  is  here 
made  to  trace  the  original  sources  of  the  various  theories,  and  as 
far  as  was  possible,  the  original  sources  only,  since  all  later  reitera- 
tions, etc.,  contain  nothing  substantially  new  and  merely  cover  the 
main  paths  with  impenetrable  underbrush  and  rubbish. 

Possibly  the  earliest  allusion  to  the  origin  of  the  song  is  contained 
in  Gordon's  "History  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States" 
(London,  1788,  vol.  1,  p.  481).  This  work  is  a  collection  of  letters 
and  the  reference  to  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  to  be  found  in  a  letter 
dated  "Roxbury,  April  26,  1775:" 

a  song  composed  in  derision  of  the  New  Englanders,  scornfully  called  Yankees. 


96  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

An  entry  to  the  same  effect  in  James  Thacher's  "Military  Journal, 
from  1775  to  1783,"  would  appear  to  antedate  Gordon,  but  the 
Journal  was  not  published  until  1823,  and  then  with  amendments 
and  additions  from  other  sources.  Indeed,  his  references  to  "Yankee 
Doodle"  are  copied  almost  verbatim  from  Gordon.  Much  more 
substantial  is  the  account  given  in  Farmer  &  Moore's  Collections, 
May,  1824  (p.  157-160),  in  an  unsigned  article  on  "Yankee  Doodle:" 

.  .  .  The  story  rune  that  the  song  entitled  Yankee  Doodle  was  composed  by  a 
British  officer  of  the  Revolution  with  a  view  to  ridicule  the  Americans,  who  by 
the  English  bloods  of  that  time,  by  way  of  derision,  were  styled  Yankees  ...  it 
may  possibly  amuse  some  of  your  readers  to  see  a  copy  of  the  song  as  it  was  printed 
thirty-five  years  since,  and  as  it  was  troll' d  in  our  Yankee  circles  of  that  day. 
What  mutations  it  might  have  undergone  previous  to  that  time,  or  whether  any 
additions  or  alterations  have  been  made  since,  I  know  not;  but  I  am,  however,  of 
the  opinion,  that  it  has  had  as  many  commentators  and  collators  as  the  text  of 
Shakespeare  .  .  . 

This  anonymous  article,  together  with  the  text  of  "Yankee 
Doodle,"  was  printed  in  May.  In  July,  1824  (vol.  3,  pp.  217-218), 
the  editors  published  a  totally  different  account  of  the  "Origin  of 
Yankee  Doodle:" 

In  looking  over  an  old  file  of  the  Albany  Statesman,  edited  by  N.  H.  Carter, 
Esq.,  we  met  with  the  following  interesting  note,  respecting  the  origin  of  the  tune 
Yankee  Doodle — the  words  of  which  were  published  in  the  Collections  for  May: 

"It  is  known  as  a  matter  of  history,  that  in  the  early  part  of  1755,  great  exertions 
were  made  by  the  British  ministry,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the  illustrious  Earl 
of  Chatham,  for  the  reduction  of  the  French  power  in  the  provinces  of  the  Canadas. 
To  carry  the  object  into  effect,  General  Amherst,  referred  to  in  the  letters  of 
Junius,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  British  army  in  North  Western 
America;  and  the  British  colonies  in  America  were  called  upon  for  assistance, 
who  contributed  with  alacrity  their  several  quotas  of  men,  to  effect  the  grand 
object  of  British  enterprise.  It  is  a  fact  still  in  the  recollection  of  some  of  our 
oldest  inhabitants,  that  the  British  army  lay  encamped,  in  the  summer  of  1755, 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Hudson,  a  little  south  of  the  city  of  Albany,  on  the 
ground  now  belonging  to  John  I.  Van  Rensselaer,  Esq.  To  this  day,  vestiges  of 
their  encampment  remain;  and  after  a  lapse  of  sixty  years  .  .  .  the  inquisitive 
traveller  can  observe  the  remains  of  the  ashes  ...  It  was  this  army,  that,  under 
the  command  of  Abercrombie,  was  foiled,  with  a  severe  loss,  in  the  attack  on 
Ticonderoga  ...  In  the  early  part  of  June,  the  eastern  troops  began  to  pour  in, 
company  after  company,  and  such  a  motley  assemblage  of  men  never  before 
thronged  together  on  such  an  occasion,  unless  an  example  might  be  found  in  the 
ragged  regiment  of  Sir  John  Falstaff,  of  right  merry  and  facetious  memory.  It 
would,  said  my  worthy  ancestor,  who  relates  to  me  the  story,  have  relaxed  the 
gravity  of  an  anchorite,  to  have  seen  the  descendants  of  the  Puritans,  marching 
through  the  streets  of  our  ancient  city,  to  take  their  station  on  the  left  of  the 
British  army — some  with  long  coats,  some  with  short  coats,  and  others  with  no 
coats  at  all,  in  colours  as  varied  as  the  rainbow,  some  with  their  hair  cropped  like 
the  army  of  Cromwell,  and  others  with  wigs  whose  curls  flowed  with  grace  around 
their  shoulders.  Their  march,  their  accoutrements,  and  the  whole  arrangement 
of  the  troops,  furnished  matter  of  amusement  to  the  wita  of  the  British  army. 
The  musick  played  the  airs  of  two  centuries  ago,  and  the  tout  ensemble,  upon  the 


Y a nkee    Doodle . 


97 


whole,  exhibited  a  sight  to  the  wondering  strangers  that  they  had  been  unaccus- 
tomed to  in  their  own  land.  Among  the  club  of  wits  that  belonged  to  the  British 
army,  there  was  a  physician  attached  to  the  staff,  by  the  name  of  Doctor  Shack- 
burg,  who  combined  with  the  science  of  the  surgeon,  the  skill  and  talents  of  a 
musician.  To  please  brother  Jonathan,  he  composed  a  tune,  and  with  much 
gravity  recommended  it  to  the  officers,  as  one  of  the  most  celebrated  airs  of  martial 
musick.  The  joke  took  to  the  no  small  amusement  of  the  British  corps.  Brother 
Jonathan  exclaimed  it  was  nation  fine,  and  in  a  few  days  nothing  was  heard  in  the 
provincial  camp  but  the  air  of  Yankee  Doodle  .  .  ."• 

This  account  was  widely  circulated,  but  soon  other  traditions  and 
theories  began  to  demand  recognition.  One  of  the  most  perplexing 
to  all  those  who  did  not  have  access  to  its  very  scarce  source  ap- 
peared in  an  unsigned  article  on  the  "Origin  of  Yankee  Doodle" 
in  the  Musical  Eeporter  (Boston,  1841,  May,  pp.  207-209) : 

It  appears  that,  previous  to  the  time  of  Charles  I,  an  air  somewhat  similar  to 
the  one  in  question,  was  common  among  the  peasantry  of  England,  of  which 
the  following  is  a  copy 


Gp=£= 

1  r.  £—  \ 

'£=-£  —  £  —  £_(£   r—^r~ 

kr-^-l 

a—  *—  I 

This  air  during  the  time  of  Cromwell  was  set  to  various  ditties  in  ridicule  of 
the  Protector.  One  of  these  began  with  the  words  "The  Roundheads  and  the 
Cavaliers ' ' .  Another  set  of  words  was  called  ' '  Nankee  Doodle  ",  and  has  through- 
out a  striking  resemblance  to  some  of  the  popular  stanzas,  which  were  common 
in  the  American  Colonies  from  the  time  of  their  origin  to  the  Revolution,  and  in 
some  sections  of  the  country,  even  to  the  present  day.  The  song,  "Lydia 
Locket"  or  "Lucy  Locket"  has  been  sung  to  the  same  tune  from  time  imme- 
morial. This  air  seems  to  have  been  the  foundation  of  Yankee  Doodle. 

The  rest  of  the  article  is  a  more  or  less  inaccurate  repetition  of 
previous  opinions. 

This  account  was  widely  circulated,  but  apparently  in  the  mean- 
time other  traditions  had  been  clamoring  for  recognition.  John  W. 
Watson,  in  his  "Annals  of  Philadelphia,"  not  in  the  first  edition, 
1830,  but  in  the  second,  1844  (vol.  2,  pp.  333-335),  hesitated  not  to 
print  this  bouquet  of  historical  gossip  and  blunder : 

"  Yankee  Doodle".  This  tune  so  celebrated  as  a  national  air  of  the  revolution, 
has  an  origin  almost  unknown  to  the  mass  of  the  people  in  the  present  day.  An 
aged  and  respectable  lady,  born  in  New  England,  told  me  she  remembered  it 
well,  long  before  the  revolution  under  an  another  name.  It  was  then  univer- 
sally called  "Lydia  Fisher"  and  was  a  favourite  New  England  jig.  It  was  then 

85480—09 7 


98  Ya nkee    Doodle . 

the  practice  with  it,  as  with  Yankee  Doodle  now,  to  sing  it  with  various  impromptu 
verses — such  as 

Lydia  Locket  lost  her  pocket 

Lydia  Fiaher  found  it; 
Not  a  bit  of  money  in  it, 

Only  binding  round  it. 

The  British,  preceding  the  war,  when  disposed  to  ridicule  the  simplicity  of 
Yankee  manners  and  hilarity,  were  accustomed  to  sing  airs  of  songs  set  to  words, 
invented  for  the  passing  occasion,  having  for  their  object  to  satirize  and  sneer 
at  the  New  Englanders.  This,  as  I  believe,  they  called  Yankee  Doodle,  by 
way  of  reproach,  and  as  a  slur  upon  their  favourite  "Lydia  Fisher". 

.  .  .  Judge  Martin,  in  his  History  of  North  Carolina,  has  lately  given  another 
reason  for  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle  ",  saying,  it  was  first  formed  at  Albany, 
in  1755,  by  a  British  officer,  then  there,  indulging  his  pleasantry  on  the  homely 
array  of  the  motley  Americans,  assembling  to  join  the  expedition  of  General 
Johnson  and  Governor  Shirley.  To  ascertain  the  truth  in  the  premises,  both 
his  and  my  accounts  were  published  in  the  gazettes,  to  elicit,  if  possible, 
further  information,  and  the  additional  facts  ascertained,  seem  to  corroborate 
the  foregoing  idea.  The  tune  and  quaint  words,  says  a  writer  in  the  Columbian 
Gazette,  at  Washington,  were  known  as  early  as  the  time  of  Cromwell,  and  were 
applied  to  him  then,  in  a  song  called  "Nankee  Doodle", as  ascertained  from  the 
collection  he  had  seen  of  a  gentleman  at  Cheltenham  in  England,  called  "Musical 
Antiquities  of  England  ",  to  wit: 

Nankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  little  pony, 
With  a  feather  in  his  hat, 

Upon  a  macaroni,  &c. 

The  term  feather,  &c.,  alluded  to  Cromwell's  going  into  Oxford  on  a.  small 
horse,  with  his  single  plume  fastened  in  a  sort  of  knot  called  a  "macaroni ".  The 
idea  that  such  an  early  origin  may  have  existed  seems  strengthened  by  the  fact 
communicated  by  an  aged  gentleman  of  Massachusetts,  who  well  remembered 
that,  about  the  time  the  strife  was  engendering  at  Boston,  they  sometimes  con- 
veyed muskets  to  the  country  concealed  in  their  loads  of  manure,  &c.  Then 
came  abroad  verses,  as  if  set  forth  from  their  military  masters,  saying: 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

For  to  buy  a  firelock: 
We  will  tar  and  feather  him, 

And  so  we  will  John  Hancock. 

The  similarity  of  the  first  lines  of  the  above  two  examples,  and  the  term 
"feather,"  in  the  third  line,  seem  to  mark,  in  the  latter,  some  knowledge  of  the 
former  precedent.  As,  however,  other  writers  have  confirmed  their  early  knowl- 
edge of  "Lydia  Locket,"  such  as 

Lucy  Locket  lost  her  pocket, 
In  a  rainy  shower,  «fec. 

we  seem  led  to  the  choice  of  reconciling  them  severally  with  each  other.  We 
conclude  therefore,  that  the  cavaliers,  when  they  originally  composed  "Nankee 
Doodle,"  may  have  set  it  to  the  jig  tune  of  "Lydia  Fisher,"  to  make  it  the  more 
offensive  to  the  Puritans.  Supposing  it,  therefore,  remembered  in  succeeding 
times  as  a  good  hit  on  them,  it  was  a  matter  of  easy  revival  in  New  England,  by 
royalists,  against  the  people  there,  proverbially  called  by  themselves,  "Oliver 
Cromwell's  children,"  in  allusion  both  to  their  austere  religion,  and  their  fre« 


Ya nkee    Doodle.  99 

notions  of  government.  In  this  view,  it  was  even  possible  for  the  British  officer 
at  Albany, 'in  1755,  as  a  man  skilled  in  music,  to  have  before  heard  of  the  old 
"Nankee  Doodle,"  and  to  have  renewed  it  on  that  occasion. 

This  was  substantially  the  same  story  as  the  one  which  Watson 
wrote  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  February  13,  1832,  as 
Mr.  Matthews  discovered,  but  this  letter  was  not  published  in  their 
proceedings  until  1861  (vol.  5,  pp.  209-212),  and  therefore  can  not 
have  had  much  influence  before  1861. 

Soon  other  compilers  followed  in  Watson's  footsteps,  chief  of 
whom  the  voluminous  but  unscrupulously  inaccurate  B.  F.  Lossing. 
In  the  first  edition,  1851-52  (vol.  l,p.  81)  of  his  "Pictorial  Fieldbook 
of  the  Revolution"  he  claims  that  Thatcher  [!]  on  page  19  of  his 
Military  Journal  wrote : 

A  song,  called  Yankee  Doodle,  was  written  by  a  British  sergeant  at  Boston,  in 
1775,  to  ridicule  the  people  there,  when  the  American  army,  under  Washington, 
was  encamped  at  Cambridge  and  Roxburg. 

It  is  characteristic  of  Lossing's  methods  that  Thacher  (comp., 
p.  95  of  this  report)  never  wrote  these  words,  but  that  Lossing 
doctored  the  quotation  to  suit  himself.  It  is  equally  characteristic 
of  him  that  in  the  edition  of  1859-60  the  supposed  quotation  from 
Thacher  is  not  canceled,  though  Lossing  in  the  supplement  of  the 
second  volume  (p.  683)  gives  a  totally  different  version.  The  latter 
is  merely  a  confused  conglomeration  of  previous  accounts.  About 
this  time  the  columns  of  Notes  and  Queries  were  opened  to  a  flood  of 
communications  on  the  subject  of  Yankee  and  Yankee  Doodle. 
One  of  the  longest  was  that  by  T.  Westcott,  dated  Philadelphia,  June  5, 
1852,  and  printed  1852  in  volume  6,  page  57.  It  is  merely  an  echo  of 
previous  accounts,  principally  of  Watson,  out  of  whose  words  he 
construes  the  claim  that — 

The  tune  was  known  in  New  England  before  the  Revolution  as  Lydia  Fisher's 
Jig. 

Mr.  Westcott,  however,  took  occasion  to  add  this  important 
observation : 

There  is  no  song.  The  tune  in  the  United  States  is  a  march;  there  are  no 
words  to  it  of  a  national  character.  The  only  words  ever  affixed  to  the  air  in  this 
country  is  the  following  doggerel  quatrain  : 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  little  pony, 
He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat 

And  called  it  macaroni. 


100  Yankee    Doodle. 

Duyckinck's  Cyclopaedia  of  American  Literature,  1855,  volume  1, 
page  463,  helped  to  complicate  matters  still  further.  There  we  read : 

The  tune  was  not  original  with  Shackburg,  as  it  haa  been  traced  back  to  the 
time  of  Charles  I.,  in  England.  In  the  reign  of  his  son  we  find  it  an  accompani- 
ment to  a  little  song  on  a  famous  lady  of  easy  virtue  of  that  date,  which  has  been 
perpetuated  as  a  nursery  rhyme — 

Lucy  Locket  lost  her  pocket, 

Kitty  Fisher  found  it, 
Nothing  in  it,  nothing  in  it, 

But  tne  binding  round  it. 

A  little  later  we  have  the  first  appearance  of  that  redoubtable  personage,  Yankee 
Doodle.  He  seems  even  at  that  early  stage  of  his  career  to  have  shown  his  charac- 
teristic  trait  of  making  the  most  of  himself — 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town,  . 

Upon  a  Kentish  pony; 
He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat, 

And  called  him  Macaroni. 

It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  Yankee  Doodle  may  be  from  Holland.  A 
song  in  use  among  the  laborers,  who  in  the  time  of  harvest  migrate  from  Germany 
to  the  Low  Countries,  where  they  receive  for  their  work  as  much  buttermilk  as 
they  can  drink  and  a  tenth  of  the  grain  secured  by  their  exertions,  has  this  burden — 

Yanker  didel,  doodel  down 

Didel,  dudel  lanter, 
Yanke  viver,  voover  vown, 

Botennilk  and  Tanther. 

That  is,  buttermilk  and  a  tenth.  This  song  our  informant  has  heard  repeated 
by  a  native  of  that  country,  who  had  often  listened  to  it  at  harvest  time  in  his 
youth. 

The  precise  date  when 

Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp — 

can  not,  we  fear,  be  fixed  with  accuracy.     But  as  the  tune  was  sung  at  Bunker 
Hill,  may  be  assumed  to  have  been  in  1775. 

Our  copy  of  the  words  is  from  a  broadside  in  a  collection  of  "Songs,  Ballads,  etc., 
purchased  from  a  ballad  printer  and  seller  in  Boston  in  1813  "  made  by  Isaiah 
Thomas.  The  variations  and  additional  stanzas  in  the  notes  are  from  a  version 
given  in  Farmer  &  Moore,  III,  157. 

A  positive  statement  by  F.  B.  N.  S.  appeared  in  the  Historical 
Magazine  (1857,  vol.  I,  p.  92): 

The  verses  commencing  '  Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp '  were  written  by 
a  gentleman  of  Connecticut,  a  short  time  after  Gen.  Washington's  last  visit  to 
New  England;  as  will  be  shown  in  a  book  of  songs  and  ballads,  soon  to  be  issued 
in  New  York. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  proprietor  of  these  initials  nor 
the  book  he  refers  to  in  Roorbach's  "Bibliotheca  Americana,"  or  in 
the  catalogue  of  the  famous  Harris  collection  of  American  poetry. 

A  curious  contribution  to  the  "Yankee  Doodle  "  literature  found  its 
place  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  1858  (vol.  2,  pp.  214-215).  One 
T.  H.  W.  there  reprinted  an  article  clipped  from  the  Press,  Phila- 
delphia, September,  1857.  This,  in  turn,  had  been  sent  the  Press  by 


Yankee    Doodle.  101 

one  Herman  Leigh  as  the  copy  of  the  following  letter,  dated  "London, 
July  21,  1854,  29  St.  Mark's  Crescent,  Regent's  Park:" 

With  respect  to  the  air  of  Yankee  Doodle,  the  earliest  copy  which  Dr.  Rimbault 
has  found  is  in  "Walsh's  collection  of  Dances  for  the  year  1750  "  where  it  is  printed 
in  6/8  time,  and  called  "Fisher's  Jig. "  This  is  very  interesting,  because  for  more 
than  half  a  century  the  air  in  question  has  been  sung  in  our  nurseries  to  the  verse: 

Lucy  Locket  lost  her  pocket, 

Kitty  Fisher  found  it, 
Not  a  bit  of  money  in  it, 

Only  binding  round  it. 

According  to  a  set  of  old  engravings  of  London  characters  (probably  by  Holler) 
published  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  Kitty  Fisher  figures  as  a  courtesan  of  that 
period.  This  seems  to  send  the  time  back  a  long  way. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  air  of  Yankee  Doodle  dates  still  further  back,  and  that 

the  verse 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town, 

Upon  a  little  pony; 
He  stuck  a  feather  on  his  hat, 

And  called  it  macaroni. 

relates  (with  the  alteration  of  Nankee  for  Yankee)  to  Cromwell.  The  lines  are 
said  to  allude  to  his  going  to  Oxford  with  a  single  plume  fastened  in  a  knot,  called 
a  macaroni.  But  this  is  all  conjecture;  all  we  know  for  certain  is,  that  the  air  in 
question  was  known  in  England  the  first  half  of  the  last  century  as  ' '  Kitty  Fisher's 
Jig. "  Dr.  Rimbault  has  all  the  popular  music  of  England  from  the  earliest  time, 
but  finds  no  trace  of  the  air  of  Yankee  Doodle  (in  print)  before  the  year  1750. 

This  letter,  which  in  the  main  merely  reiterates  a  time-worn  account, 
traces  for  the  first  time  the  earliest  appearance  of  the  tune  "Yankee 
Doodle"  in  print.  This  reference  has  become  one  of  the  stumbling 
blocks  in  the  controversy,  and  not  in  a  manner  as  to  bestow  credit 
on  the  methods  of  the  famous  Doctor  Rimbault.  But  who  wrote 
the  letter  and  sent  it  to  the  Historical  Magazine?  Doctor  Rimbault 
is  spoken  of  in  the  third  person.  This  might  lead  to  the  impression 
that  the  letter  merely  gives  to  a  third  party  the  essence  of  a  conver- 
sation between  the  writer  and  Doctor  Rimbault.  If  this  were  the 
case,  then  Doctor  Rimbault  could  not  be  held  responsible  for  all  the 
mischief  done  by  the  letter.  I  fear  that  nothing  can  exonerate  him, 
since  the  responsibility  rests  with  Doctor  Rimbault  and  no  one  else. 
Says  he  in  a  contribution  to  the  Historical  Magazine,  1861,  page  123: 
"When  sending  my  communication  to  the  H.  M.  in  July,  1858  (vol. 
2,  p.  214)."  This  transaction  throws  a  peculiar  light  on  the  methods 
of  Dr.  Edward  F.  Rimbault. 

To  the  American,  English,  and  Dutch  the  Historical  Magazine  now 
added  a  Biscay  and  Hungarian  origin  of  the  tune,  1858,  volume  3, 
page  280: 

The  following  letter,  says  the  National  Intelligencer,  has  been  received  by  a 
gentleman  of  this  city  from  our  accomplished  secretary  of  legation  at  Madrid: 

MADRID,  June  3,  1858. 
MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  tune  Yankee  Doodle,  from  the  first  of  my  showing  it  here,  has  been 
acknowledged  by  persons  acquainted  with  music  to  bear  a  strong  resemblance  to 


102  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

the  popular  airs  of  Biscay;  and  yesterday  a  professor  from  the  north  recognized 
it  as  being  much  like  the  ancient  sword  dance  played  on  solemn  occasions  by  the 
people  of  San  Sebastian.  He  says  the  tune  varies  in  those  provinces,  and  pro- 
poses in  a  couple  of  months  to  give  me  the  changes  as  they  are  to  be  found  in  their 
different  towns,  that  the  matter  may  be  judged  of  and  fairly  understood.  Our 
national  air  certainly  has  its  origin  in  the  music  of  the  free  Pyrenees;  the  first 
strains  are  identically  those  of  the  heroic  Danza  Esparto,  as  it  was  played  to  me, 
of  brave  old  Biscay. 

Very  truly  yours,  BUCKINGHAM  SMITH. 

On  the  same  page  the  Historical  Magazine  helped  to  circulate  this 
story: 

Koesuth,  says  the  Boston  Post,  informed  us  that  the  Hungarians  with  him  in 
this  country  first  heard  Yankee  Doodle  on  the  Mississippi  River,  when  they 
immediately  recognized  it  as  one  of  the  old  national  airs  of  their  native  land — 
one  played  in  the  dances  of  that  country — and  they  began  immediately  to  caper 
and  dance  as  they  used  to  in  Hungary. 

Again  it  was  the  Historical  Magazine,  which  in  1859  (vol.  3,  pp. 
22-23)  printed  an  article  signed  J.  C.  with  the  editorial  remark  that 
it  had  been  "Published  in  the  Baltimore  Clipper  in  1841  by  a  person 
who  well  understood  the  subject:" 

In  Burgh's  Anecdotes  of  Music,  vol.  Ill,  p.  405  [1814]  after  speaking  of  Dr. 
Arne  and  John  Frederick  Lampe,  the  author  proceeds: 

Besides  Lampe  and  Arne,  there  were  at  this  time  (1731)  other  candidates  for 
musical  fame  of  the  same  description.  Among  those  were  Dr.  Christian  Smith, 
who  set  two  English  operas  for  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields,  Teraminta  and  Ulysses.  .  .  . 

About  the  year  1797,  after  having  become  a  tolerable  proficient  on  the  German 
flute,  I  took  it  into  my  head  to  learn  the  bassoon,  and  a  book  of  instructions  from 
the  late  Mr.  Joseph  Carr,  who  had  then  recently  opened  a  music  store  in  this  city 
[Baltimore]  being  the  first  regular  establishment  of  the  kind  in  the  country.  In 
this  book  there  was  an  Air  from  Ulysses,  which  was  the  identical  air  now  called 
Yankee  Doodle,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  notes,  which  time  and  fancy  may 
have  added. 

Benson  J.  Lossing  again  took  part  in  the  controversy  in  an  article 
on  "The  Origin  of  Yankee  Doodle"  for  the  Poughkeepsie  Eagle, 
which  was  reprinted  in  LittelTs  Living  Age  (1861,  vol.  70,  pp.  382-384). 
This  article  merely  copies  the  accounts  in  "Notes  and  Queries," 
Duyckinck's  Cyclopaedia  and  other  sources,  without  the  slightest 
attempt  at  verification  of  the  data  except  when  he  remarks  of  the 
"Botermilk  and  Tanther"  refrain  in  Duyckinck: 

This  account  is  apocryphal,  to  say  the  least,  for  the  words  in  the  above  verses 
are  neither  German,  Dutch,  nor  any  other  known  language  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 

To  the  theories  of  Yankee  Doodle's  origin  thus  far  enumerated  an 
anonymous  writer  in  All  the  Year  Round  (1870,  February,  vol.  3, 
pp.  252-256),  in  an  article  "On  a  few  old  songs,"  added  this: 

It  seems  on  the  authority  of  the  late  M.  T.  Moncrieff,  the  author  of  "Tom  and 
Jerry"  and  countless  other  farces  and  plays,  who  made  it  his  pleasure  in  the 
closing  years  of  his  life  when  afflicted  with  blindness,  to  investigate  the  history 


Yankee    Doodle.  103 

and  origin  of  old  tunes,  that  the  air  was  composed  for  the  drum  and  fife  about  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  by  the  Fife-Major  of  the  Grenadier  Guards. 
The  air  was  not  intended  for  a  song,  but  for  a  march,  and  it  was  long  after  it  had 
become  familiar  to  the  ears  of  the  people  in  towns  where  British  regiments  were 
stationed,  that  words  became  associated  with  it. 

Doctor  Kimbault  reappeared  on  the  plan  with  an  article  on 
"American  National  Songs"  in  "Leisure  Hour"  (1876,  vol.  25 
pp.  90-92).  This  second  account  is  not  a  repetition  of  what  he  had 
written  in  1858.  Indeed,  without  saying  so,  our  author  refutes 
most  of  his  previous  statements  that  had  helped  to  make  the  origin 
of  "Yankee  Doodle"  worse  than  a  Chinese  puzzle: 

There  are  no  words  to  this  tune  in  the  United  States  of  a  national  character; 
the  tune  is  a  march.  The  earliest  words  known  there  are  this  doggerel  quatrain — 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  little  pony, 
He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat, 

And  called  it  Macaroni. 

With  the  alteration  of  Arankee  for  Yankee,  a  string  of  similar  verses  is  said  to 
exist,  which  were  supposed  to  allude  to  the  coming  of  Oliver  Cromwell  (on  a 
small  horse)  into  Oxford,  with  his  single  plume,  which  he  wore  fastened  in  a  sort 
of  knot,  which  the  adherents  of  the  royal  party  called  "a  macaroni"  out  of  deri- 
sion. We  must  own  to  an  entire  want  of  faith  in  this  story.  The  probability  is 
that  the  tune  is  not  much  older  than  the  time  of  its  introduction  into  America. 
We  know  that  it  was  popular  in  England  at  that  time,  having  been  printed  in 
one  of  Thomson's  country  dance  books  as  "Kitty  Fisher's  Jig." 

Kitty  Fisher,  as  everybody  knows,  was  a  celebrated  character  in  the  middle  of 
the  last  century.  She  was  painted  by  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  more  than  once,  and 
ultimately  married  Squire  Norris  of  Bemmendon,  in  Kent.  Lucy  Lockit  was 
also  a  well-known  character  in  the  gay  world.  She  was  not  so  fortunate  as  her 
friend  in  making  a  good  marriage  nor  in  having  her  face  handed  down  to  pos- 
terity by  the  Court  painter. 

The  well-known  rhymes  to  this  tune,  still  sung  by  children — 

Lucy  Lockit  lost  her  pocket 

Kitty  Fisher  found  it; 
Not  a  bit  of  money  in  it, 

Only  binding  round  it. 

have  some  covert  allusion,  understood  at  the  time,  but  now  forgotten. 

We  give  a  copy  of  Thomson's  version  of  the  tune,  which  is  written  in  triple 
time.  It  was  afterwards  altered  to  common  time,  as  now  known: 

KITTY  FISHER'S  JIG 
-» f- 


104  Ya nkee   Doodle . 

Strange  to  say,  this  account  appears  to  have  escaped  the  atten- 
tion of  Admiral  George  Henry  Preble  when  he  prepared  the  second 
edition  (Boston,  1880)  of  his  "History  of  the  Flag  of  the  United 
States."  The  admiral's  article  on  "Yankee  Doodle"  (pp.  746-753, 
not  in  the  first  edition  of  1872)  does  not  pretend  to  be  based  on 
original  research.  It  is  merely  a  resum6  of  the  various  accounts 
thus  far  published.  Yet  it  contains  a  few  statements  that  call  for 
consideration.  He  says: 

There  is  an  earlier  version  of  the  words  in  England  which  I  heard  repeated 
by  my  father  in  my  childhood  days,  which  runs: 

Nankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  Kentish  ponvj 
He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat, 

And  called  him  Macaroni. 

As  I  heard  it  repeated,  the  second  line  was,  Riding  on  a  pony,  or,  Upon  a 
little  pony  .  .  . 

In  the  English  opera  written  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  by 
Dr.  Arne,  is  the  comic  song  of  "Little  Dickey,"  who  resents  the  arrogance  and 
attempted  tyranny  of  some  older  boy.  The  last  stanza  runs  thus: 

Did  little  Dickey  ever  trick  ye? 
No,  I'm  always  civil,  etc. 

The  air  of  the  song  is  what  we  call  "Yankee  Doodle,  "  but  it  is  not  so  called  in 
the  opera.  .  .  . 

Innumerable  have  been  the  verses  that  have  been  adapted  to  it  [Yankee 
Doodle],  but  it  is  believed  the  following  were  those  best  known  and  oftenest 
repeated  by  our  fathers  during  the  war  of  1776,  and  they  are  said  to  have  been 
sung  at  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  in  1775.  Words  additional  or  similar  were 
repeated  to  me  by  my  father  fifty  years  ago,  as  those  familiar  to  him  when  a 
boy,  during  the  revolutionary  times.  Perhaps  their  order  of  following  is  not 
correct. 

Then  follow  17  stanzas  of  "  Yankee  Doodle,  or  Father's  return  from 
Camp,"  in  the  main  identical  with  the  stanzas  given  in  Farmer  & 
Moore's  Collections,  but  clearly  accumulated  from  different  versions. 

The  last  few  quotations  illustrate  that  by  1880  the  matter  of 
"Yankee  Doodle"  had  fallen  entirely  into  the  hands  of  compilers, 
whose  sole  object  it  seems  to  have  been,  and  still  seems  to  be,  to 
accept  more  or  less  credulously  the  numerous  conflicting  statements 
and  to  weave  them  indiscriminately  into  a  smooth,  entertaining 
tissue  of  facts  and  fancy.  The  first  to  really  analyze  this  ragout  was 
Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire,  and  he  contributed  to  the  first  edition 
of  Grove's  Dictionary  of  Music  (1879-1889)  an  article  on  "Yankee 
Doodle,"  which  at  that  time  was  by  far  the  best,  and  is  still  valu- 
able. Mr.  Louis  C.  Elson,  in  his  useful  book  on  the  "  National  Music 
of  America,"  1900,  added  in  the  main  merely  information  received 
from  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  of  Boston.  Nor  does  the  amount  of  his 
original  critical  research  rise  above  what  may  be  expected  from  a 
book  plainly  designed  and  written  in  a  style  to  satisfy  the  popular 


Ya nkee   Doodle.  105 

demand  for  more  or  less  verified  facts  on  our  national  songs.  This 
applies  even  more  strongly  to  Mr.  Kobb6's  chatty  "  Famous  Ameri- 
can Songs,"  1906,  who  also  caught  a  glimpse  of  Mr.  Matthews's  un- 
published mine  of  data.  From  the  same  source  come  the  following 
excerpts  from  Dr.  George  H.  Moore's  paper  "Notes  on  the  origin 
and  history  of  Yankee  Doodle,"  read  before  the  New  York  Histor- 
ical Society  on  December  1,  1885,  and  before  the  New  England  His- 
torical and  Genealogical  Society  on  December  7,  1887.  As  was 
stated  in  the  introduction  to  my  report  on  "Yankee  Doodle,"  Mr. 
Moore's  paper  was  never  printed,  though  it  was  mentioned  in  the 
Magazine  of  American  History  for  January,  1886,  in  the  Boston  Post 
of  December  8,  1887,  and  in  the  New  England  Historical  and 
Genealogical  Register  for  January,  1888.  Mr.  Albert  Matthews,  as 
he  informed  me  under  date  of  January  3,  1909,  rediscovered  the 
manuscript  and  copied  long  extracts.  "Moore,"  says  Mr.  Matthews, 
"picked  to  pieces  various  theories  about  'Yankee,'  but  accepted 
without  criticism  the  Farmer  &  Moore  version."  Clearly  Mr. 
Moore's  unpublished  paper  can  not  have  influenced  subsequent 
writers  very  much,  but  it  is  essential  that  so  much  of  it  be  printed 
here  as  was  available  through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Albert  Matthews: 

Dr.  Shuckburgh  unquestionably  played  an  important  part  in  the  proceedings 
which  resulted  in  making  Yankee  Doodle  a  national  tune.  He  took  the  initia- 
tive step.  He  married  to  verse,  (not  immortal,  for  not  a  line  of  it  can  be  proved 
to  exist  to-day)  but  to  a  song  sufficiently  popular  to  be  remembered  for  many 
years,  the  old  fashioned  jig  which  had  charmed  his  childhood  and  lingered  in 
his  memory  to  become  the  (vehicle)  inspiration  of  his  comic  muse  in  later 
years  .  .  .  Dr.  Shuckburgh  undoubtedly  scored  (achieved)  a  success  in  his 
Yankee  Doodle  Song,  hitting  off  the  men  and  events  of  the  time,  in  a  style  which 
readily  admitted  additions  and  alterations  to  fit  occasions.  That  song  was  a 
satire  more  or  less  clever  of  the  New  Englander  and  his  ways — written  originally 
from  the  point  of  view  of  an  Englishman  long  domesticated  in  New  York,  and 
reflecting  the  prejudices  of  the  British  tory  and  the  Albany  Dutchman — the 
intellectual  apparatus  of  that  extraordinary  mythical  creature,  the  genuine 
Knickerbocker.  What  that  first  Yankee  Doodle  Song  was  is  mainly  left  to  con- 
jecture .  .  .  The  only  verses  I  have  met  with,  which  carry  any  appearance  of 
having  been  a  part  of  the  original  are  the  following: 

There  is  a  man  in  our  town, 

I  pity  his  condition, 
He  sold  his  oxen  and  his  sheep, 

To  buy  him  a  commission — 

When  his  commission  he  had  got, 

He  proved  a  nation  coward 
He  durst  not  go  to  Cape  Breton 

For  fear  he'd  be  devoured. 

Another  verse  has  less  authority: 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Put  on  his  strip 'd  trowse's 
And  vow'd  he  could  n't  see  the  town  (place) 

There  was  so  many  houses. 


106  Yankee    Doodle. 

So  far  the  literature  on  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  moved  in 
a  few  distinct  channels,  but  in  1905  two  theories  were  added  that 
have  very  little  in  common  with  those  previously  advanced,  com- 
bined, embellished.  In  the  German  magazine  "  Ilessenland  "  (vol.  19, 
1905,  pp.  20-23),  Mr.  Johann  Lewalter  published  an  article  under  the 
title:  "Der  'Yankee  Doodle'  ein  Schwalmer  Tanz?"  In  other 
words,  the  author  endeavored  to  prove  the  probability  of  a  Hessian 
origin,  but  his  knowledge  of  the  literature  is  very  slight  and  he  did 
not  exercise  discrimination  in  the  use  of  his  sources,  so  that  most  of 
his  article  is  not  worthy  of  consideration.  As  to  his  hypothetical 
question,  it  is  sufficient  to  abstract  from  the  article  the  following: 

In  Langenscheidt's  "Land  und  Leute  in  Amerika"  it  is  said  that  probably 
the  air  of  the  folksong  "Yankee  Doodle  "  has  its  origin  in  a  military  march  played 
by  the  Hessian  soldiers  in  the  War  for  Independence. 

The  same  origin  is  hinted  at  in  the  eighth  volume  (1880)  of  Spamer's  "Illus- 
triertes  Konversationslexikon".  Mr.  Lewalter  then  calls  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  principal  recruiting  station  in  1776  was  Ziegenhain  in  the  Schwalm,  the 
fertile  province  of  Hesse,  to  the  further  fact  that  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  form, 
musical  spirit  and  rhythm  bears  a  peculiar  resemblance  to  the  genuine  dances 
and  folksongs  of  the  Schwalm  region.  Therefore,  he  concludes,  it  may  be  claimed 
that  this  song,  played  by  the  Hessian  troops  as  a  march,  was  imported  by 
them  to  America  in  those  days.  Finally,  the  fact  should  be  noted  that  during  a 
country  fair  in  the  Schwalm  in  the  fall  of  1904  "Yankee  Doodle  "  was  played  as  a 
Schwalm  dance,  and  men  and  women  danced  to  it  as  they  would  to  one  of  their 
own  traditional  airs  without  discovery  of  the  substitution. 

It  will  be  seen  later  on  how  suddenly  his  Hessian  theory  collapses, 
if  the  historical  test  is  applied.  Much  more  complicated  but  much 
more  fruitful  in  its  application  is  a  theory  advanced  by  Mr.  William 
H.  Grattan  Flood  in  the  "Dolphin"  (Philadelphia,  1905,  vol.  8, 
pp.  187-193)  under  the  title  "The  Irish  origin  of  the  tune  of  Yankee 
Doodle."  In  this  interesting  article  Mr.  Grattan  Flood,  an  enthusi- 
astic student  and  champion  of  Irish  music,  first  sets  out  to  undermine 
principally  the  English  origin.  Then,  in  the  footsteps  of  the  eminent 
English  folk-song  collector,  Mr.  Frank  Kidson,  he  refers  to  the 
"Earliest  printed  version"  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  the  first  volume 
of  James  Aird's  "Selection  of  Scotch,  English,  Irish,  and  Foreign 
Airs,"  printed  at  Glasgow  in  1782.  Without  further  preliminaries 
Mr.  Grattan  Flood  then  proceeds: 

The  very  structure  of  this  tune  is  seen  to  be  decidedly  Irish  and  apart  from 
any  other  argument  intrinsic  evidence  should  point  to  its  Irish  origin.  .  .  .  The 
above  printed  version  by  Aird  in  1782,  antedates  the  "Two  to  One  "  (1784)  version 
by  two  years,  and  is  much  nearer  the  Irish  original  ['All  the  way  to  Galway'], 
with  the  strongly  marked  C  natural  (the  so  called  "flat  seventh")  so  charac- 
teristic of  seventeenth  century  tunes  in  D  major.  However,  the  oldest  form  of 
the  tune  is  also  given  here  as  it  appears  in  a  MS  dated  1750,  the  authenticity  of 
which  is  beyond  question.  The  manuscript  was  written  at  different  times 
between  the  years  1749  and  1750,  and  the  owner's  name  is  given,  dated  Decem- 
ber 1,  1750. 


Yankee    Doodle.  107 

By  way  of  illustrating  the  changes  which  a  tune  undergoes  in  seventy  or  eighty 
years,  I  think  it  is  well  to  give  the  version  as  noted  by  Dr.  Petrie  in  1840,  but,  as 
will  be  seen,  the  changes  are  unimportant. 

Thus  "Yankee  Doodle  "  can  rightfully  be  claimed  as  a  product  of  Ireland.  .  .  . 

CRITICAL  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  THEORIES  ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  "YANKEE 

DOODLE" 

The  chronological  enumeration  of  the  theories  on  the  origin  of 
"Yankee  Doodle"  will  have  disclosed  their  genealogy  and  concatena- 
tion sufficiently  to  now  warrant  neglect  of  such  dates,  references,  and 
inferences  that  are  mere  variations  and  aberrations  from  the  original 
source.  The  examination  of  this  amazing  labyrinth  of  conjectures 
will  be  based  entirely  on  such  analytical  data  only  as  possess  some 
real  substance.  The  other  data  will  be  treated  as  not  existing. 
Much  of  the  analytical  evidence  has  become  quite  familiar  to  his- 
torians, but  much  will  have  the  flavor  of  novelty.  However,  no 
distinction  will  here  be  made  between  old  and  new  data,  except  when 
necessary. 

To  sum  up,  since  1775,  when  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle" 
began  to  arouse  interest,  it  has  been  claimed  that — 

1.  The  song  of  "Yankee  Doodle"   was  composed  by  a  British 
officer  of  the  Revolution. 

2.  The  air  had  its  origin  in  a  military  march  "Schwalmer  Tanz," 
introduced  into  this  country  by  the  Hessians  during  the  war  for 
Independence. 

3.  The  first  part  of  the  tune  is  identical  with  the  Danza  Esparto, 
and  the  tune  had  its  origin  in  the  Pyrenees. 

4.  The  air  is  of  Hungarian  origin. 

5.  The  tune  was  introduced  by  German  harvest  laborers  into 
Holland. 

6.  The  air  was  composed  by  the  fife-major  of  the  Grenadier  Guards 
about  1750  as  a  march. 

7a.  The  tune  was  founded  on  an  English  tune  common  among  the 
peasantry  of  England  previous  to  the  time  of  Charles  I. 

7&.  It  was  set  during  the  time  of  Cromwell  to  various  ditties  in 
ridicule  of  the  protector.  One  of  these  began  with  the  words  "The 
Roundheads  and  the  Cavaliers  ;"  another 

Nankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  Kentish  pony  [or  Upon  a  little  pony] 

He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat 

And  called  him  Macaroni. 

were  known  as  early  as  Cromwell's  time,  and  indeed  applied  to  him. 


108  Ya nkee   Doodle. 

8.  In  the  reign  of  Charles  II  the  tune  was  sung  to  the  words,  per- 
petuated as  a  nursery  rhyme: 

Lucy  Locket  lost  her  pocket 

Kitty  Fisher  found  it. 
Nothing  in  it,  nothing  in  it 

But  the  binding  round  it. 
[or,  Not  a  bit  of  money  in  it 

Only  binding  round  it] 

9.  The  air  is  the  same  as  of  the  New  England  jig  "Lydia  Fisher," 
which  was  a  favorite  in  New  England  long  before  the  American 
Revolution. 

10.  The  earliest  printed  version  of   the   air  "Yankee  Doodle" 
appears  in  6/8  time  in  "Walsh's  collections  of  dances  for  the  year 
1750"  under  the  title  of  "Fisher's  Jig." 

11.  The  air  is  identical  with  "Kitty  Fisher's  Jig"  as  printed  in  one 
of  Thomson's  country  dance  books  in  triple  time. 

12.  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  identical  with  an  "Air  from   Ulysses," 
opera  by  J.  C.  Smith. 

13.  The  air  "Did  little  Dickey  ever  trick  ye"  in  an  opera  by  Arne, 
composed  about  1750,  is  the  same  as  "Yankee  Doodle." 

14.  Doctor  Shackburg,   wit   and  surgeon   in   the  British   army 
encamped  in  1755  near  Albany,  composed  a  tune  and  recommended 
it  to  the  provincial  officers  as  one  of  the  most  celebrated  airs  of  martial 
music  and  that  this  joke  on  the  motley  assemblage  of  provincials  took 
immediately. 

15.  Doctor  Shuckburgh  wrote  the  Yankee  Doodle  verses  to  an  old- 
fashioned  jig. 

16.  The  air  is  of  Irish  origin  and  is  identical  with  "All  the  way  to 
Galway." 

These  16  theories  have  here  been  grouped  not  chronologically  but 
amicably  to  a  process  of  elimination.  The  majority  of  these  theories, 
on  close  inspection,  relate  rather  to  the  early  use  of  than  to  the  origin 
of  the  song.  It  will  therefore  facilitate  the  process  of  elimination 
if  some  consequential  data  on  the  use  of  the  air  in  America  until  the 
time  of  our  war  for  independence  are  here  brought  together. 

In  the  New  York  Journal,  October  13,  1768,  we  read  in  the  "Jour- 
nal of  Transactions  in  Boston,  Sept.  28,  1768:" 

Sept.  29.  The  Fleet  was  brought  to  Anchor  near  Castle  William,  that  Evening 
there  was  throwing  of  Sky  Rockets,  and  those  passing  in  Boats  observed  great 
Rejoicings  and  that  the  Yankey  Doodle  Song  was  the  Capital  Piece  in  their  Band 
of  Music." 

Writing  of  the  events  at  Boston  in  1769,  the  late  Mr.  Fiske  in  his 
work  on  the  "American  Revolution"  (vol.  1,  p.  65)  says: 

On  Sundays  the  soldiers  would  race  horses  on  the  Common,  or  play  Yankee 
Doodle  just  outside  the  church-doors  during  the  services. 


Ya nkee    Doodle.  109 

Unfortunately  Mr.  Fiske  did  not  refer  to  his  authority  for  this  almost 
incredible  bit  of  information;  nor  did  Mr.  Elson,  when  he  wrote  in 
his  book  on  our  national  music  (p.  145) : 

A  little  later  [than  1769],  when  the  camps  were  in  the  town  of  Boston,  the  British 
custom  was  to  drum  culprits  out  of  camp  to  the  tune  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  a 
decidedly  jovial  Cantio  in  exitu. 

The  next  reference  carries  us  to  the  commencement  of  hostilities. 
When  the  news  of  the  affair  at  Lexington  (Apr.  19,  1775)  reached 
Lord  Percy  in  Boston,  says  the  Reverend  Gordon  in  his  History  in  a 
letter  dated  "Roxbury,  April  26,  1775,"  he  ordered  out  a  reenforce- 
ment  to  support  his  troops. 

The  brigade  marched  out  playing,  by  way  of  contempt,  Yankee  Doodle  .  .  . 

James  Thacher  has  almost  literally  the  same  in  his  Military  Journal 
under  date  of  April  21,  1775.  A  further  contemporary  reference  is 
found  in  the  "Travels  (1st  ed.,  vol.  2,  p.  50)  of  Thomas  Anburey,  the 
British  officer,  who,  under  date  of  "Cambridge,  in  New  England,  Nov. 
27,  1777,"  wrote  as  follows: 

.  .  .  the  name  [of  Yankee]  has  been  more  prevalent  since  the  commencement 
of  hostilities.  The  soldiers  at  Boston  used  it  as  a  term  of  reproach,  but  after  the 
affair  at  Bunker's  Hill,  the  Americans  gloried  in  it.  Yankee  Doodle  is  now  their 
paean,  a  favorite  of  favorites,  played  in  their  army,  esteemed  as  warlike  as  the 
Grenadier's  March — it  is  the  lover's  spell,  the  nurse's  lullaby.  After  our  rapid 
successes,  we  held  the  Yankees  in  great  contempt,  but  it  was  not  a  little  mor- 
tifying to  hear  them  play  this  tune,  when  their  army  marched  down  to  our 
surrender. 

Anburey,  of  course,  alludes  to  General  Burgoyne's  surrender  at 
Saratoga,  October  17,  1777.  Again  the  military  bands  of  the  Conti- 
nental army  are  said  to  have  used  "Yankee  Doodle"  as  their  paean 
at  the  climax  of  the  war  when  Lord  Cornwallis  surrendered  at  York- 
town,  October  19,  1781,  but  Robin,  Knox,  Thacher,  Anburey,  Chas- 
tellux,  Gordon,  and  Johnston  do  not  confirm  this  popular  legend.  I 
distinctly  recall  having  seen  it  told  by  a  French  memoir  writer  of  the 
time,  but  unfortunately  am  unable  to  retrace  my  source. 

On  that  occasion  the  British  army  marched  out  to  the  tune  of  "The 
World  turned  upside  down."  So  it  was  in  more  than  one  respect. 
Clearly,  before  and  during  the  first  stages  of  the  war,  "Yankee 
Doodle"  was  considered  a  capital  piece  by  the  British  soldiers  to  ridi- 
cule the  New  Englanders,  but  the  latter  blunted  the  point  of  the  joke, 
and  indeed  used  it  in  rebuttal  by  appropriating  the  tune  with  all  its 
associations  for  their  patriotic  field  music.  This  curious  process 
found  an  echo  in  one  of  our  very  first  by-products  of  the  war.  John 
Trumbull's  "M'Fingal"  was  first  published  at  Philadelphia  in  1775. 


110  Yankee   Doodle. 

In  the  first,  original  edition  the  first  canto  "The  Town  Meeting'1 

begins: 

When  Yankies  skill 'd  in  martial  rule, 
First  put  the  British  troops  to  school ; 
Instructed  them  in  warlike  trade, 
And  new  maneuvres  of  parade, 
The  true  war  dance  of  Yanky-reels, 
And  val'rous  exercise  of  heels. 

and  later  on  the  lines  occur: 

Did  not  our  troops  show  much  discerning, 
And  skill  your  various  arts  in  learning? 
Outwent  they  not  each  native  Noodle 
By  far  in  playing  Yanky-doodle; 
Which,  as  'twas  your  New-England  tune 
'Twas  marvellous  they  took  so  soon? 

A  New  England  tune  or  not,  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  common  prop- 
erty in  New  England  before  the  war  for  independence.  Not  alone 
this,  it  is  easily  proven  that  the  tune  was  well  known  south  of  New 
England,  too,  at  least  nine  years  before  the  war.  In  my  writings  I 
have  had  repeated  occasion  to  point  to  Andrew  Barton's  comic  opera 
"The  Disappointment,  or  The  force  of  credulity,"  New  York,  1767, 
in  this  connection.  This,  the  first  American  opera  libretto,  unmis- 
takably belongs  to  the  class  of  ballad  operas,  that  is,  operas  in  which 
the  airs  were  sung  not  to  new  music  but  to  popular  ballad  tunes. 
Now,  as  Sabin,  without  attracting  proper  attention  at  the  time,  dis- 
covered as  early  as  1868,  there  appears  in  the  1767  edition,  though  not 
in  the  1796  edition,  of  this  coarse,  yet  witty,  libretto,  written  in  Phil- 
adelphia, but  printed  in  New  York: 

AIR   IV,  YANKEE    DOODLE. 

O!  how  joyful  shall  I  be, 

When  I  get  the  money, 
I  will  bring  it  all  to  dee, 

O!  my  diddling  honey. 

(Exit,  singing  the  chorus,  yankee  doodle,  etc.) 

It  follows  conclusively  that  the  air  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  suffi- 
ciently popular  in  America  in  1767,  or  more  correctly,  in  Philadel- 
phia, to  be  used  in  a  ballad  opera.  It  further  follows  from  the  above 
that  the  words  of  the  chorus  refrain  were  so  well  known  in  1767  that  it 
was  sufficient  to  print:  "  Yankee  doodle,  etc." 

The  fact  that  the  air  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  popular  in  America 
in  1767  renders  it  impossible  for  a  "British  officer  of  the  Revolution" 
to  have  "composed"  the  song.  If  at  all  true,  this  tradition  can  only 
mean  that  he  either  added  some  verses  to  a  current  text  or  wrote  an 
entirely  new  set  of  verses. 

The  second  theory  on  the  list  collapses  for  the  same  reason.  The 
Hessian  military  can  not  have  introduced  the  tune  to  our  country 
as  it  was  popular  in  America  long  before  their  arrival  here.  On  the 


Yankee    Doodle.  Ill 

contrary,  it  becomes  probable  that  the  Hessian  bands  exported  the 
air  from  America.  However,  not  chronology  alone,  but  logic  forbade 
the  acceptance  of  the  Hessian  origin,  since  according  to  Mr.  Lewalter's 
own  account  " Yankee  Doodle"  was  merely  grafted  on  the  Schwalm 
peasants  by  way  of  experiment.  They  danced  readily  enough  to  the 
tune,  but  Mr.  Lewalter's  story  clearly  shows  that  they  did  not  con- 
sider it  one  of  their  traditional  dance  tunes.  This  plain  observation 
should  discourage  further  efforts  in  this  direction,  which  would  pre- 
sumably be  based  on  the  fact  that  the  British  military  service  included 
Hessians  long  before  1775,  indeed  before  1767. 

Similar  objections  must  be  raised  against  the  theories  of  the  Biscay 
and  Hungarian  origin.  They  were  advanced  almost  one  hundred 
years  after  " Yankee  Doodle"  had  become  popular  in  America,  time 
enough  for  any  tune  to  find  its  way  into  any  country  and  to  be  so 
assimilated  that  its  foreign  origin  is  entirely  forgotten.  That  Hun- 
garians danced  to  it  fifty  years  ago  proves  absolutely  nothing  except 
that  "Yankee  Doodle"  with  its  rhythmic  accents  appealed  to  them. 
Kossuth  and  his  friends,  experts  in  revolutions  but  not  in  musical 
history,  recognized  in  "Yankee  Doodle"  one  of  the  old  national  airs 
of  Hungary ;  this  also  proves  nothing  except  that  they  knew  the  air. 
It  is  the  same  with  the  Biscay  origin  advanced  by  Mr.  Buckingham 
Smith  in  1858.  Had  he  contented  himself  with  recording  the  use  of 
the  tune  in  Biscay,  one  may  be  puzzled  by  the  coincidence  that  two 
Turanian  nations  were  willing  to  naturalize  "Yankee  Doodle."  But 
Mr.  Smith  goes  further,  and  he  claims  that  "the  first  strains  are 
identically  those  of  the  heroic  Danza  Esparta  [!]  as  it  was  played  to  me 
of  brave  old  Biscay."  Are  they?  I  quote  without  comment  the  first 
bars  of  this  " Ezpata  Dantza"  (sword-dance),  as  published  by  Charles 
Bordes  in  "Archives  de  la  Tradition  Basque,"  under  title  of  "Dix 
danses  .  .  .  du  Pays  Basque  Espagnol,"  1908: 


rretc. 


As  a  fifth  theory  we  have  that  promulgated  by  Duyckinck's  Cyclo- 
paedia in  1855: 

It  is  not  impossible  .  .  .  that  Yankee  Doodle  may  be  from  Holland.  A  song 
in  use  among  the  laborers,  who  in  time  of  harvest  migrate  from  Germany  to  the 
Low  Countries  .  .  .  has  this  burden — 

Yanker  didel,  doodel  down 

Didel,  dudel  lanter, 
Yanke  viyer,  voover  vown, 

Botermilk  and  Tanther. 

The  Duyckincks  received  their  information  from  a  person  who  in 
turn  relied  on  the  memory  of  a  Dutchman  who  "had  listened  to  it  at 
harvest  time  in  his  youth."  This  circuitous  route  may  explain  why 


112  Yankee   Doodle. 

the  chorus  refrain,  as  quoted  above,  belongs  to  no  known  language. 
In  itself  the  fact  that  the  words  are  neither  German,  Dutch,  or  Eng- 
lish proves  nothing  and  should  not  have  been  advanced  so  hastily  by 
Lossing,  Elson,  and  others,  since  such  nonsense  rhymes  are  common 
to  all  people.  Here  are  a  few  examples  taken  at  random  from  books 
hi  the  English  language.  O'Keefe  has  this  nonsense  in  one  of  his 

librettos: 

Ditherum,  doodle  adgety 

Nagity,  tragedy  rum, 
Gooetnerum  foodie  nidgety 
Nidgety,  nagety  mum. 

In  the  libretto  to  the  "Castle  of  Andalusia"  occurs  this: 

A  master  I  have,  and  I  am  his  man, 

Galloping  dreary  dun 
And  he  will  get  married,  as  fast  as  he  can 

With  my  haily,  gaily,  gambraily, 
Giggling,  niggling,  galoping, 

Galloway,  draggletail,  dreary  dun. 

Finally,  in  the  American  songster  "The  Blackbird,"  New  York, 
1820,  I  noticed  the  refrain  on  page  39: 

With  my  titol  teedle  turn 

Likewise  fol  lol  feedle  fum 
Not  forgetting  diderum  hi, 

And  also  teedle  tweedle  dum. 

Sense  there  is  not  in  these  samples  of  nonsense  rhymes,  yet  who 
would  deny  that  they  are  based  on  the  English  language?  Conse- 
quently, the  "Yanker  didel,  doodel"  lines  with  the  one  word  Boter- 
milk  (buttermilk)  as  an  anchor  of  sense  may  either  have  been 
intended  as  a  Dutch  nonsense  rhyme,  or  they  are  the  unintelligible 
Dutch  corruption  of  a  Low  German  (Plattdeutsch)  chorus  refrain, 
or  they  are  merely  the  result  of  travel  of  the  original  English  ' '  Yan- 
kee Doodle"  refrain  corrupted  more  and  more,  as  it  passed  from 
America  into  the  German  lowlands,  thence  to  Holland,  and  from 
there  back  to  America.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  this  is  the 
most  plausible  explanation,  rather  than  to  simply  discredit,  as  has 
been  done,  the  narrative  in  Duyckinck's  Encyclopaedia,  and  to  accuse 
the  editors  of  having  invented  the  silly  lines  out  of  the  whole  cloth. 
After  all,  the  substance  of  their  statement  is  merely  that  during 
the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  harvest  laborers  from  the 
German  lowlands  are  known  to  have  sung  the  air  of  "Yankee 
Doodle"  in  Holland.  This  implies  early  use,  not  origin,  and  even 
if  it  implied  the  latter,  not  the  Dutch  but  the  "Plattdeutsche" 
would  be  responsible  for  the  melody. 

We  turn  to  Mr.  Elson's  book  on  the  National  Music  of  America 
and  there  find  these  interesting  lines: 

Just  as  this  volume  is  going  to  press  [1900]  the  author  is  enabled,  through 
the  kindness  of  M.  Jules  Koopman,  traveling  in  Holland,  to  trace  this  theory  of 


Yankee    Doodle.  113 

Dutch  origin  more  definitely.  The  first  period  of  the  melody  is  quite  familiar 
to  Dutch  musicians,  and  has  been  used  in  Holland  from  time  immemorial  as  a 
children's  song;  the  second  period  is  not  known  in  Holland. 

Again,  this  implies  at  the  best  merely  early  use  and  by  no  means 
a  Dutch  origin.  If  "Yankee  Doodle"  were  a  traditional  Dutch 
air,  it  certainly  would  not  have  escaped  the  scrutinizing  eye  of  the 
best  authorities  on  Dutch  folk  songs,  such  as  Van  Duyse  and  D.  F. 
Scheurleer.  The  story  of  a  Dutch  origin  may  be  dropped,  since 
Mr.  D.  F.  Scheurleer,  in  a  letter  to  me  under  date  of  October  7, 
1908,  remarks: 

Was  die  Melodic  betrifft,  muss  ich  gestehen  in  den  Niederlanden  kein  Proto- 
type zu  kennen.  Dieses  war  auch  der  Fall  bei  von  mir  befragten  Sachverstan- 
digen. 

Das  von  Ihnen  citierte  quasi  hollandische  Ernte-Lied  ist  mir  vollig  neu  und 
ich  wiisste  daran  keinen  Sinn  zu  geben  .  .  . 

Ich  habe  beim  Yankee  doodle  6'fters  gedacht  an  hier  im  18ten  Jahrhundert 
ee'hr  bekannte  Savoyarden-Lieder,  gesungen  von  Savoyarden-Knaben,  die  mit 
Drehleier  und  Meerschweinchen  herumzogen.  Diese  Leierkastenlieder  waren 
sehr  geeignet  um  von  Matrosen  und  Emigranten  weiter  befordert  zu  werden  .  .  . 

To  avoid  all  possible  confusion,  it  may  be  added  that  the  air  of 
the  Dutch  song  "Pauwel  Jonas"  (Paul  Jones)  is  not  identical  with 
"Yankee  Doodle." 

Somewhat  more  perplexing  than  the  theory  of  Dutch  origin  is  the 
one  attributing  "Yankee  Doodle"  to  the  fife-major  of  the  Grenadier 
Guards  about  1750,  who  is  said  to  have  composed  the  melody  as  a 
march  for  drum  and  fife.  This  statement  rests  on  the  authority  of 
Mr.  T.  Moncrieff,  but  unfortunately  no  clue  to  his  source  is  given. 
It  is  significant,  however,  that  according  to  this  theory  words  became 
associated  with  the  air  long  after  it  had  become  familiar  to  the  ears 
of  the  people  hi  towns  where  British  regiments  were  stationed.  The 
weak  point  of  this  theory  is  its  vagueness.  The  strong  point  that  the 
air  is  attributed  without  circumlocution  to  a  tangible  author.  "Yan- 
kee Doodle"  must  have  had  an  origin.  If  we  should  be  forced  to 
admit  that  all  other  theories  are  inherently  weak,  then  the  fife-major 
of  the  Grenadier  Guards  would  loom  up  as  a  very  formidable  candi- 
date for  the  authorship  of  "Yankee  Doodle."  Not,  of  course,  of  a 
march  by  this  title,  but  of  a  quick  march,  with  some  other  or  with- 
out .title,  which  found  its  way  shortly  after  1750  to  America,  there 
became  popular,  was  wedded  to  words  dealing  with  the  New  Eng- 
land Yankees,  and  permanently  retained  the  name  of  "Yankee 
Doodle."  That  the  air  was  imported  by  the  Grenadier  Guards 
themselves  is  impossible,  because  Sir  F.  W.  Hamilton's  "History 
of  the  First  or  Grenadier  Guards"  proves  that  a  detachment  of  the 
regiment,  including  seven  drummers  and  two  fifers,  was  not  sent  to 
85480—09 8 


114  Yankee    Doodle. 

America  until  1776.  The  whole  fife-major  theory,  however,  is  con- 
siderably weakened  by  reference  to  these  words  in  a  letter  written 
on  December  22,  1908,  to  the  Librarian  of  Congress  by  Major  Mont- 
gomerie  of  the  Grenadier  Guards: 

.  .  .  We  cannot  discover  that  the  office  of  Fife-Major  ever  existed  in  this  Regi- 
ment.  We  have  had  Drum-Majors  since  1672,  but  their  names  we  do  not  know. 

The  air  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  seems  to  have  been  founded,  said  our 
anonymous  in  the  Musical  Reporter,  Boston,  1841,  on  an  air  some- 
what similar  which  was  common  among  the  peasantry  of  England 
previous  to  the  time  of  Charles  I,  1600  (1625)-1649.  On  page  97  of 
this  report  the  air  in  question  is  copied  and  it  requires  a  very  unmusical 
ear  to  detect  beyond  the  rhythm  and  general  character  any  telling 
similarity.  Consequently,  said  air  may  have  been  common  among  the 
English  peasantry  of  those  days,  but  this  fact  would  shed  no  light 
whatever  on  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  as  the  two  airs  are  not 
related.  Furthermore,  if  this  air  cited  by  our  anonymous  is  the  one 
that  was  set  during  Cromwell's  time  to  various  ditties,  such  as  "The 
Roundheads  and  the  Cavaliers,"  or  "Nankee  Doodle,"  then  all  pro- 
tracted and  painstaking  controversy  on  this  subject  was  unnecessary, 
since  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  not  concerned.  Indeed,  the  controversy 
could  easily  have  been  avoided  ere  this  had  the  commentators  found 
their  way  to  a  copy  of  the  rather  scarce  Musical  Reporter.  The  air 
there  quoted  and  reprinted  on  page  97  of  this  report  is  but  a  version 
of  "Nancy  Dawson,"  and  as  such  an  eminent  authority  on  folk  songs 
as  Mr.  Frank  Kidson  expressed  himself  (Dec.  22,  1908),  he  "should 
very  much  be  surprised  to  have  proof  of  its  existence  before  1760  or 
thereabouts."  As  to  the  ditties  beginning  "The  Roundheads  and  the 
Cavaliers"  and  "Nankee  Doodle  came  to  town,"  Rev.  T.  Woodfall 
Ebsworth,  the  eminent  authority  on  English  ballads,  is  quoted  in  the 
first  edition  of  "Grove's  Dictionary  of  Music"  to  this  effect: 

I  believe  that  I  have  seen  and  weighed,  more  or  less  every  such  ballad  still 
remaining  in  print,  and  most  of  those  in  M.S.  that  search  has  detected:  and  I  can 
declare  unhesitatingly  that  I  never  came  across  any  indication  of  such  an  anti- 
Cromwellian  original  as  the  apocryphal  "Nankee  Doodle  came  to  town."  I 
believe  that  none  such  is  extant  or  ever  appeared.  .  .  There  is  no  contemporary 
(t.  «.  1640-1660  or,  say  1648-1699)  ballad  specially  entitled  "The  Roundheads  and 
the  Cavaliers." 

The  ante-Cromwellian  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle  "  and  its  anti-Crom- 
wellian  use  with  all  the  embellishments  that  imaginative  minds  have 
added  during  the  last  seventy  years  may  definitely  be  laid  to  rest. 
However,  since  the  (slightly  varying)  lines— 

[Nankeel  Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Upon  a  Kentish  pony. 

He  stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat 

And  called  him  Macaroni 


Yankee    Doodle.  115 

have  actually  been  sung  in  America  for  generations  to  the  tune  of 
"Yankee  Doodle,"  it  will  become  necessary  later  on  to  approximately 
fix  the  date  of  these  lines,  and  that  is,  to  anticipate  the  third  or  even 
fourth  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Thus,  Cromwell  and 
"Yankee  Doodle"  are  separated  by  at  least  a  century. 

Theories  eighth  to  eleventh  all  have  this  in  common,  that  they  take 
as  starting  point  the  rhyme: 

Lucy  Locket  lost  her  pocket 
Kitty  Fisher  found  it 
Not  a  bit  of  money  in  it 
[or,  Nothing  in  it,  nothing  in  it} 
Only  binding  round  it. 

For  "Lucy  Locket"  Lydia  Locket  is  sometimes  substituted;  for 
"Kitty  Fisher,"  Lydia  Fisher,  and  other  slight  verbal  differences  occur 
in  the  numerous  citations  of  these  lines. 

With  the  exception  of  the  theory  of  ante-Cromwellian  origin,  they 
have  been  chiefly  responsible  for  the  mass  of  confusion  surrounding 
"Yankee  Doodle,"  particularly  after  Doctor  Rimbault  threw  the 
weight  of  his  authority  into  the  controversy. 

From  the  perusal  of  the  literature  on  the  subject  as  gathered  for 
this  report,  it  appears  conclusively  that  the  lines  were  used  as  a  nursery 
rhyme  during  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century  both  in  England 
and  America,  and  were  then  always  sung  to  the  same  air  as  ' '  Yankee 
Doodle."  Indeed,  "two  female  relations"  informed  one  G.  A.  G.,  for 
Notes  and  Queries,  1865  (vol.  8,  p.  155),  that  the  lines  were  "current 
some  fifty  years  ago  in  the  girls'  schools"  of  the  Isle  of  Wight  and  of 
Hampshire — that  is,  about  1810. 

For  the  use  of  the  lines  during  the  eighteenth  century  we  have,  to 
my  knowledge,  the  contemporary  statement  only  of  an  aged  and  re- 
spectable lady  born  in  New  England,  who  remembered  having  heard 
the  rhyme  sung  to  the  same  tune  long  before  the  Revolution  as  a  favor- 
ite jig,  called  "Lydia  Fisher."  (See  on  p.  98,  Watson's  account, 
1844.)  On  the  other  hand,  the  anonymous  author  in  the  Musical 
Reporter,  Boston  1841,  gives 


~  je 


tc' 


that  is,  "Nancy  Dawson"  as  the  air  to  which  the  song  "Lydia 
Locket  or  Lucy  Locket  has  been  sung  .  .  .  from  time  immemorial." 
If  we  turn  to  page  98  and  attempt  to  sing  the  rhyme  to  this  melody, 
we  find  that  this  is  easily  done,  even  in  the  fourth  bar,  if  the  two 
words  "found  it"  each  get  two  of  the  four  notes.  Except  for  this 
fourth  bar  the  traditional  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  not  sung  more  read- 
ily. Here  then  would  seem  to  be  a  conflict  between  the  state- 
ment of  an  old  lady  relying  on  her  memory  and  actual  quotation  of 


116  Yankee    Doodle. 

a  melody  by  an  equally  anonymous  writer  who  may  have  had  an 
equally  good  memory.  This  difference  of  opinion  is  not  vital,  since 
often  in  folk  music  the  same  words  are  grafted  on  different  melodies 
until  the  fittest  survives.  At  any  rate,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt 
the  possibility  that  "Lucy  Locket"  was  sung  also  to  the  air  of 
"Yankee  Doodle"  in  New  England  previous  to  the  American  revolu- 
tion. 

For  further  data  we  must  rely  on  internal  evidence.  "Lucy 
Locket,"  of  course,  points  to  "Lucy  Lockit,"  one  of  the  main  charac- 
ters in  the  famous  "Beggar's  Opera,"  first  performed  in  1728  and 
popular  during  the  entire  century.  Possibly, '  'Lucy  Locket ' '  found  her 
way  into  the  rhyme  only  for  reasons  of  sound.  However,  1730  would 
appear  to  be  about  the  earliest  possible  date  for  the  rhyme  unless  Gay 
adopted  "Lucy  Locket"  as  an  effective  stage  name  from  the  popular 
rhyme.  The  presence  of  a  Kitty  Fisher  in  the  rhyme  would  forbid 
this  conjecture  if  we  recognize  in  her  with  Rimbault  the  famous  lady 
of  easy  virtue  called  "Kitty  Fischer."  What  Rimbault  wrote  about 
her  in  the  Historical  Magazine  (1858)  is  mostly  nonsense,  as  he  him- 
self tacitly  admitted  by  printing  a  totally  different  reference  to  this 
lady  in  the  Leisure  Hour  (1876) : 

Kitty  Fisher,  as  everybody  knows,  was  a  celebrated  character  in  the  middle  of 
the  last  century.  She  was  painted  by  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  more  than  once,  and 
ultimately  married  Squire  Norris  of  Bemmendon  [recte  Benenden]  in  Kent. 

This  agrees  with  what  one  finds  about  her  in  "Notes  and  Queries" 
and  Stephen's  Dictionary  of  National  Biography.  The  registers  of 
Benenden  give  the  date  of  her  burial  as  March  23,  1767.  It  is  not 
recorded  when  Catherine  Marie  Fischer,  probably  of  German  origin, 
was  born,  nor  are  such  biographical  details  of  much  account  for  our 
argument.  It  stands  to  reason  that  Kiity  Fischer  was  not  made  the 
heroine  of  such  verses  before  she  had  become  a  really  public  character. 
Since  she  appears  to  have  reached  the  height  of  her  reputation  as  pro- 
fessional beauty  about  1759,  shortly  before  she  became  the  second 
and  exemplary  wife  of  Mr.  Norris,  it  would  seem  safe  to  conjecture  that 
the  "Lucy  Locket"  and  "Kitty  Fisher"  rhyme  did  not  originate 
many  years  before  1759.  Therefore,  the  attempt  to  trace  this  rhyme, 
which  only  gradually  can  have  become  a  nursery-rhyme,  by  way  of 
this  Kitty  Fischer  to  the  times  of  Charles  II,  1630  (1660)-! 685,  was 
conspicuously  absurd.  On  the  other  hand,  nothing  would  prevent 
us  from  assuming  that  the  rhyme,  with  whatever  melody,  may  have 
found  its  way  to  America  before  our  war  for  independence,  that  is, 
before  1775.  In  our  country  Kitty  Fisher  appears  to  have  become 
Lydia  Fisher.  This  modification  may  have  been  due  to  the  natural 
desire  to  avoid  the  harsh  verbal  sound  of  "pocket — Kitty",  and  since 
our  people  probably  took  no  special  interest  in  the  famous  Kitty 


Yankee    Doodle.  117 

Fischer's  affairs,  they  substituted  Lydia  perhaps  for  some  further 
local  reason.  But,  after  all,  is  it  necessary  to  recognize  in  the  Kitty 
Fisher  of  the  rhyme  the  famous  Kitty  Fischer  or  any  other  particular 
Kitty  Fisher?  The  name  surely  neither  was  nor  is  so  uncommon  as  to 
compel  this  association.  Indeed  Mr.  Matthews,  following  the  same  line 
of  argument,  has  found  two  ladies  of  this  name,  contemporary  with  the 
beautiful  courtesan.  The  one  is  "  an  eminently  respectable  young  lady 
who  is  mentioned  several  times  in  letters  written  in  1743-1747  by  Lieut. 
Colonel  Charles  Russell,  of  the  British  Army,"  the  other  a '  'Miss  Kitty 
Fisher,  a  very  young  lady  at  boarding  school  at  Leicester  mentioned  in 
the  Oxford  Magazine,  April,  1771 ."  It  is  entirely  possible  that  "Kitty 
Fisher"  was  incorporated  in  the  rhyme  without  the  slightest  intention  of 
personal  allusion,  just  because  the  name  "Kitty  Fisher"  was  common 
and  popular,  and  because  it  sounds  rather  well  in  the  rhyme  and  fits 
the  tune.  Should  this  have  been  the  case,  then  the  absence  of  real 
evidence  to  the  effect  that  the  lines  were  known  long  before  1800 
would  fortify  the  impression  that  they  originated  about  1800,  and 
this  again  would  explain  nicely  why  they  were  sung  to  (the  then 
already  very  popular)  tune  of  "Yankee  Doodle." 

The  "Lucy  Locket"  rhyme  was  clearly  intended  for  singing,  and 
it  is  the  rule  with  such  folk  songs  that  the  melody  preceded  the 
text.  In  other  words,  the  earlier  the  rhyme  is  dated  the  older 
becomes  the  melody  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  unless  the  rhyme  was 
sung  originally  to  another  tune,  which  was  exchanged  later  on  for 
the  rhythmically  similar  and  catchier  "Yankee  Doodle."  Naturally 
the  idea  suggested  itself  to  trace  this  tune  in  written  or  printed 
form  as  far  back  as  possible.  Here,  again,  Doctor  Rimbault  became 
responsible  for  much  of  the  confusion  surrounding  our  air.  In  the 
Historical  Magazine  (1858,  vol.  2,  p.  214),  we  read  that  Rimbault 
found  the  earliest  copy  of  the  tune  in  "Walsh's  collection  of  dances 
for  the  year  1750  where  it  is  printed  in  6/8  time,  and  called  Fisher's 
Jig"  but  in  his  article  in  Leisure  Hour,  1876,  Rimbault  turns  his 
back  on  his  previous  discoveries  and  says: 

The  probability  is  that  the  tune  is  not  much  older  than  the  time  of  its  intro- 
duction into  America.  We  know  that  it  was  popular  in  England  at  that  time, 
having  been  printed  in  one  of  Thompson's  country  dance  books  as  Kitty  Fisher's 
Jig. 

A  few  lines  below  Doctor  Rimbault  gives  "a  copy  of  Thompson's 
version  of  the  tune  which  is  written  in  triple  time.  It  was  after- 
wards altered  to  common  tune,  as  now  known." 

The  contradictions  between  these  statements  are  so  flagrant  that 
suspicions  of  Doctor  Rimbault's  methods  not  only,  but  of  his  veracity, 
are  aroused.  It  is  a  disagreeable  duty  to  attack  a  well-known  and 
defunct  scholar,  yet  Doctor  Rimbault  stands  convicted  by  his  own 


118  Yankee   Doodle. 

testimony.  It  may  be  after  all  that  he  saw  our  tune  somewhere, 
but  first  he  discovered  a  "Fisher's  jig"  in  6 — 8  time  in  Walsh,  and 
then,  forgetting  all  about  this  discovery,  he  finds  it  printed  in  triple 
time  as  "Kitty  Fisher's  Jig"  in  Thompson.  Only  if  both  statements 
are  true,  does  Rimbault  stand  acquitted.  Now,  Mr.  William  Barclay 
Squire  in  the  first  edition  of  Grove's  Dictionary,  has  already  cast 
suspicions  on  Rimbault's  statement  of  1858  by  the  remark  that 
"no  copy  of  'Fisher's  Jig'  has  turned  up,"  and  he  was  repeatedly 
supported  in  this  statement  by  Mr.  Frank  Kidson. 

To  make  absolutely  sure  whether  or  no  these  two  eminent  authori- 
ties on  English  folk  song  had  found  in  the  meanwhile  evidence  to 
support  Rimbault,  carefully  prepared  letters  of  inquiry  were  addressed 
to  them  which  they  had  the  kindness  to  answer  as  follows : 

Mr.  Squire,  August  5,  1908: 

We  have  [at  the  British  Museum]  a  small  collection  of  Country  Dances  pub- 
lished by  Walsh  in  1750,  but  no  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  in  this. 

Mr.  Kidson,  August  12,  1908: 

Dr.  Rimbault's  statements  have  never  been  proved.  I  have  seen  two  copies 
of  Walsh's  Dances  for  1750  and  have  seen  those  for  1742,  1745,  1748,  1765,  and  in 
fact  have  MS.  copies  of  them  all  in  full.  I  have  many  (very  many)  18th  century 
dance  collections  and  four  or  five  Caledonian  Country  Dances  (Walsh)  but 
nothing  like  Yankee  Doodle  in  any  of  them.  Kitty  Fisher's  Jig  is  also  rum  eat. 

and  previously  Mr.  Kidson  had  informed  Mr.  Albert  Matthews  that 
he  had  also  examined  Thompson's  Dances  from  1751  and  1765  in 
vain.  Finally,  Mr.  Squire,  September  21,  1908: 

"Kitty  Fisher's  Jig"  has  never  turned  up  ...  he  [Mr.  Kidson]  and  I  have 
both  looked  thro'  endless  dance  books  in  vain. 

Equally  void  of  substance  appears  to  be  the  claim  presented  by 
one  J.  C.  in  the  Baltimore  Clipper,  1841,  that  an  "Air from  Ulysses," 
which  he  found  "about  the  year  1797"  in  a  book  of  instructions 
"for  the  bassoon"  was  the  identical  air  now  called  Yankee  Doodle, 
with  the  exception  of  a  few  notes." 

A  careful  reader  of  these  quotations  from  J.  C.'s  narrative  (see  p. 
102)  can  not  fail  to  notice  that  the  air  evidently  was  not  really  identical, 
that  the  author  is  contributing  data  to  the  controversy  from  memory 
after  a  lapse  of  forty  years,  that  he  did  not  have  the  book  of  instruc- 
tions before  him  when  he  wrote  his  article.  No  methodically  trained 
historian  would  accept  such  circumstantial  evidence  without  serious 
scruples.  A  curious  circumstance  about  J.  C.'s  statement  is  that  he 
begins  with  a  quotation  from  Burgh's  Anecdotes,  which  has  nothing 
to  do  with  "Yankee  Doodle,"  but  merely  acquaints  the  reader  with 
the  fact  that  John  Christian  Smith  [recte  John  Christopher  Smith, 
1712-1795]  composed  an  opera  "Ulysses."  Why  this  quotation? 
Apparently  because  J.  C.  desired  to  trace  the  composer  of  an  Air  from 


Yankee    Doodle.  119 

Ulysses,  whom  he  had  either  forgotten  or  who  was  not  mentioned  in 
his  book  of  instructions.  He  remembered  the  word  Ulysses  in  con- 
nection with  a  tune  almost  identical  with  ''Yankee  Doodle,"  and  with 
the  help  of  Burgh's  Anecdotes  he  conjectured  a  bridge  between  the 
word  Ulysses  and  the  opera  Ulysses  by  John  Christopher  Smith,  which 
was  performed  at  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields  in  1733.  It  would  seem  an  easy 
matter  to  verify  J.  C's  conjecture  by  a  reference  to  Smith's  score,  but 
unfortunately  no  copy  of  his  opera  has  ever  been  discovered,  nor  is  it 
certain  that  the  music  was  ever  published.  However,  if  a  tune  like 
Yankee  Doodle  was  in  Smith's  opera  "Ulysses,"  then  this  jiglike  tune, 
must  of  necessity  fit  words  in  the  libretto  of  this  mythological  opera. 
Though  such  a  combination  appeared  to  be  very  improbable,  Mr. 
William  Barclay  Squire  of  the  British  Museum  was  approached  in  the 
matter,  and  he  wrote  me  under  date  of  September  21,  1908: 

Sam1.  Humphreys'  Ulysses  (libretto)  is  here,  but  contains  nothing  to  which  one 
can  imagine  Y.  D.  to  have  been  sung.  Here  are  some  specimens: 

Balmy  Slumbers,  soft  Repose, 

Gently  cull  my  lovely  Fair; 
Send  your  solace  to  her  Woes, 

Ease  her  of  said  Despair,  etc.  etc. 
Or, 

Now  I  die  with  joy,  to  be 

Chaste,  and  dutiful  to  thee; 

And  resign  my  youthful  Bloom, 

All  untainted  to  the  Tomb,  etc.  etc. 

Not  only  this,  Mr.  Squire  stated  that  he  knows  of  no  such  book  of 
instructions  for  the  bassoon  as  alluded  to  by  J.  C. 

Like  so  many  other  theories  of  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  the 
conjecture  of  a  connection  between  the  tune  and  John  Christopher 
Smith's  opera  "Ulysses"  may  safely  be  dropped. 

Ere  this  a  flaw  in  the  J.  C.  statement  had  been  suspected,  and  Mr. 
William  H.  Grattan  Flood  in  his  article  quoted  on  page  1 06,  suggested 
that  the  error  of  asserting  an  air  from  Ulysses  as  the  source  of  the  tune 
might  have  arisen  from  a  confusion  of  the  designation  Ulysses  with  a 
song  of  that  name  in  Dibdin's  Musical  Tour,  1788,  the  full  title  of  which 
is  "The  Return  of  Ulysses  to  Ithaca."  As  the  analysis  of  J.  C.'s  state- 
ments leaves  it  open  to  doubt  from  where  the  "Yankee  Doodle" 
melody  in  his  book  of  instructions  for  the  bassoon  was  taken,  Mr. 
Grattan  Flood's  suggestion  is  as  acceptable  as  any.  The  song  in  ques- 
tion accompanies  "Letter  LXXXIV"  in  Dibdin's  Musical  Tour,  and 
is  preceded  on  page  341  by  this  bit  of  explanatory  monologue: 

"Why,"  said  the  Poet,  "you  may  remember  Mr.  O'Shoknesy,  the  other  night, 
favoured  us  with  the  whole  siege  of  Troy  to  an  Irish  tune — for  my  part,  I  felt  my 
consequence  as  a  poet  a  little  touched  at  it — and  so,  not  to  be  outdone,  I  have 
brought  Ulysses  back  to  Ithaca  safely  through  all  his  perils,  to  the  tune  of —  Yankee 
Doodle.  ..." 


120 


Ya nkee    Doodle. 


Omitting  the  prelude  and  postlude  and  the  accompaniment,  the  first 
of  Dibdin's  eight  burlesque  stanzas  reads: 


%=3F 


££ 


I 


»     -  '!• 


I     sing     U-  lys  -  ses    and  those  chiefs  who  out     of    near     a      mil  -  lion     So 


:     '    ' 


;-   .* 


luck  -  1   -     ly      this      ba  -  con  sav'd     be  -  fore     the    walls     of 


ion. 


Van  -  kee     doo  -  die,    doo  -  die     doo,  black   no  -  gro      be      get     fum  -   bo     and 


••' 


when    you    come      to        our     town      we'll  make  you   drink    with     bum    -    bo. 
A  facsimile  of  the  whole  song  appears  In  the  Appendix  as  PI.  xlv-zy. 

The  burlesque  song,  by  the  way,  was  first  used  by  Dibdin  in  this 
form  for  his  puppet  play  "Reasonable  Animals,"  1780. 

The  statement  in  Admiral  Preble's  "History  of  the  Flag,"  that  the 
melody  of  "  Yankee  Doodle"  occurs  in  an  opera  composed  by  Thomas 
Augustine  Arne  about  1 750  to  the  words  ' '  Did  little  Dickey  ever  trick 
ye/'  was  long  ago  discredited  by  Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire  in  Grove's 
Dictionary.  Mr.  Squire  called  attention  to  the  appearance  of  the  air 
under  its  own  title  in  the  comic  opera  "Two  to  One,"  of  which  the 
libretto  was  written  by  George  Colman  the  younger,  the  music 
selected,  arranged,  and  composed  by  Dr.  Samuel  Arnold  and  the 
score  published  by  Harrison  &  Co.  in  1784.  The  song  in  question  was 
sung  by  Mr.  Edwin  in  the  character  of  Dickey  Ditto.  Plate  XVI 
shows  the  first  stanza  with  the  melody  in  facsimile. 

At  the  time  Mr.  Squire  held  that  this  probably  was  the  earliest 
appearance  of  Yankee  Doodle  in  print,  but  Mr.  Frank  Kidson  in  his 
fine  collection  of  "Old  English  Country  Dances,"  1890,  pointed  to  an 
earlier  version  to  be  found  in  the  first  volume  of  James  Aird's  "A 
Selection  of  Scotch,  English,  Irish,  and  Foreign  Airs,"  Glasgow.  Since 
Mr.  Kidson  could  not  find  "any  air  in  it,  which  gives  a  later  date  than 
1775  or  1776,"  he  fixed  (on  p.  13)  the  date  of  publication  at  about  that 
period,  but  the  late  Mr.  Glen  in  his  scholarly  "Early  Scottish  Melodies" 
fixed  the  date  of  Aird's  first  volume  as  1782,  and  Mr.  Kidson,  in  a 
letter  to  me  (Aug.  12,  1908),  accepted  this  date  as  "all  right."  Aird's 
"Yankee  Doodle"  is  reproduced  in  facsimile  on  Plate  XVII  of  the 
appendix.  No  earlier  appearance  in  print  than  this  of  1782  has  been 
discovered,  and  the  fact  that  the  same  volume  contains  at  least  one 
negro  jig  and  several  "Virginian  airs"  would  seem  to  prove  a  direct 


Yankee    Doodle.  121 

American  influence,  probably  called  forth  by  the  war.  Presumably 
"Yankee  Doodle"  came  to  Aird's  notice  by  way  of  America. 

If,  then,  the  ascertained  earliest  appearances  in  print  of  Yankee 
Doodle  in  Europe  have  been  traced  to  (1)  James  Aird's  Selection 
.  .  .  ,  first  volume,  Glasgow,  1782;  (2)  Samuel  Arnold's  Opera  "Two 
to  One,"  London,  1874 ;  (3)  Charles  Dibdin's  "Musical  Tour,"  Sheffield, 
1788,  the  question  suggests  itself,  When  and  where  was  the  tune  first 
printed  in  America?  In  his  valuable  "Songs  and  Ballads  of  the 
American  Revolution,"  1855,  Mr.  Moore  published  a  ballad  of  the 
title  "The  Recess."  This  satire,  he  says,  first  appeared  at  London 
written  by  "a  true  friend  of  the  King  and  the  Colonies."  "It  was 
reproduced  in  America,  in  1779,  on  a  music  sheet  adapted  to  the  tune 
of  Yankee  Doodle." 

Mr.  Moore  does  not  mention  publisher  or  place  of  publication  of 
this  music  sheet,  nor  does  he  point  to  any  library  in  which  it  may  be 
found.  He  may  be  correct  in  his  statement.  In  that  case  I  failed  to 
locate  the  piece  when  compiling  material  for  my  "Bibliography  of 
Early  Secular  American  Music."  Until  actual  proof  of  the  piece's 
existence  is  given  me,  I  prefer  to  suspect  that  "The  Recess"  was 
printed  without  music  as  a  broadside,  perhaps  with  the  indication 
"To  the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle."  The  first  stanza  as  given  by  Mr. 
Moore  reads: 

And  now  our  Senators  are  gone 
To  take  their  leave  of  London 
To  mourn  how  little  they  have  done 
How  much  they  have  left  undone  ! 

Of  secular  music  very  little  was  published  in  America  before  1790, 
and  according  to  my  bibliography  "Yankee  Doodle"  did  not  appear 
in  print  in  America  until  Benjamin  Carr's  "Federal  Overture,"  a 
medley  of  patriotic  songs,  including  "Yankee  Doddle,"  and  composed 
in  1794,  was  published  "adapted  for  the  pianoforte"  by  B.  Carr,  New 
York,  in  January,  1795.  No  copy  of  this  appears  to  be  extant,  only 
a  "medley  duetto  adapted  for  two  German  flutes"  in  the  fifth  number 
of  Shaw  and  Carr's  "Gentleman's  amusement."  Unfortunately  the 
copy  of  the  Library  of  Congress,  the  only  one  that  has  come  to  my 
notice  lacks  the  very  pages  where  one  could  expect  to  find  "Yankee 
Doodle*  in  the  form  given  it  by  B.  Carr.  Nor  have  I  as  yet  found  a 
copy  of  John  Henry  Schmidt's  "Sonata  for  beginners,"  1796,  in  which 
our  air  was  "turned  into  a  fashionable  rondo,"  nor  a  copy  of  "  Yankee 
Doodle,  an  original  American  air,  arranged  with  variations  for  the 
pianoforte,"  as  printed  by  J.  Carr,  Baltimore,  in  1796.  Presumably 
in  June,  1798,  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  "Published  by  G.  Willig, 
Market  street  No.  185,  Philadelphia,"  together  with  "The  President's 
March.  A  new  Federal  Song."  ("Hail  Columbia."  For  facsimile 
of  both,  see  Pis.  IX  and  X  hi  Appendix.)  A  copy  of  this  extremely 


122 


Y a nkee   Doodle . 


rare  piece  is  preserved  in  a  miscellaneous  volume  of  "Marches  and 
Battles"  at  the  Ridgway  branch  of  the  Library  Company  of  Phila- 
delphia. The  melody,  sung  to  the  words  "Columbians  all  the  present 
hour,"  has  this  form: 


p 


>r^ 


r  c 


This  version  was  composed  or  rather  arranged  by  James  Hewitt, 
since  he  advertised,  probably  between  1800  and  1802,  the  "New 
Yankee  Doodle"  beginning  "Columbians  all  the  present  hour  as 
Brothers  should  unite  us,"  as  "composed  and  published  at  his  Musical 
Repository  No.  59,  Maidenlane,  New  York."  A  copy  of  this  song  is 
preserved  at  Harvard  University.  Some  years  later,  Gottlieb  Graup- 
ner,  one  of  Boston's  most  important  musicians,  "printed  and  sold" 
at  his  "Musical  Academy  No.  6,  Franklin  Street,  Franklin  Place," 
"General  Washington's  March"  together  with  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  a 
simple  arrangement  for  the  pianoforte.  Mr.  Elson's  "History  of 
American  Music"  contains  a  facsimile,  and  from  this  the  following 
version  of  the  melody  is  quoted: 


Different  again  is  an  earlier  form  of  the  tune  in  the  "Compleat 
tutor  for  the  fife,"  Philadelphia,  George  Willig  [1805].  On  page  28 
of  this  curiously  American  reprint  of  a  rare  English  publication,  we 
find  among  the  interpolations  "Yankee  Doodle:" 


•     •   - 
EEE 


Ya nkee    Doodle. 


123 


Another  early  form  appears  on  page  8  of  Raynor  Taylor's  "Martial 
music  of  Camp  Dupont,"  Philadelphia,  G.  E.  Blake  [ca.  1818]: 


tr 


P 


Alexander  Wheelock  Thayer,  the  Beethoven  biographer,  commu- 
nicated to  the  first  edition  of  Grove  ' '  the  following  version  as  it  was 
sung  sixty  years  since,  and  as  it  has  been  handed  down  by  tradition 
in  his  family  from  Revolutionary  times:" 


^ 


?i=E 


CHORUS,  REFRAIN. 


=*•=* 


Yan  -  kee  doo  -  die,  keep  it   up, 


Yan  -  kee  doo  -  die   dan  -  dy, 


:£. 


Mind     the   mu  -  sic     and       the    step,    and     with     the     girls      be      nan   -  dy. 

These  early  versions  of  the  melody  will  be  sufficient  to  demonstrate 
that  "Yankee  Doodle,"  whatever  its  original  form  might  have  been, 
passed  through  many  hands  before  it  became  fixed  in  the  popular 
mind  in  its  present  form.  The  semiofficial  form  now  used  in  the 
United  States  is  contained  in  John  Philipp  Sousa's  "National  Patri- 
otic and  Typical  Airs  of  all  Lands,"  Philadelphia,  1890: 


This  process  of  elimination  and  substitution  of  notes,  and  even  bars 
is  characteristic  of  many  folk  songs,  and  the  "Folk"  unconsciously 
adopts  the  same  attitude  of  mind  as  does  a  composer  who  polishes 
and  changes  his  melodic  ideas  until  he  feels  satisfied  with  the  result. 
But  this  process  also  explains,  how  imperfect  rendition  and  local  usage 


124 


Y a nkee   Doodle. 


can  produce  such  abortive  and  almost  incredible  versions  as  the  one 
in  James  Hulbert's  "Variety  of  Marches"  (1803,  p.  8)  and  in  his 
"Complete  Fifers'  Museum"  (Greenfield,  Mass.  [18-],  p.  12): 

•    •     -  l  •  _•  -•"""" 


Igjk-PT 


i    r-H- 


T  p  r 


=*= F 


'  i 


or  the  one  in  Alvan  Robinson's  "Massachusetts  Collection  of  Martial 
Musick"  (2d.  ed.,  Exeter,  1820,  p.  58): 


In  addition  to  these  early  versions  in  print  a  few  in  manuscript 
are  extant.  For  instance,  the  facsimile  on  Plate  XVIII  shows  the 
form  of  "Yankey  doodle"  as  it  appears  in  "Whittier  Perkins'  Book 
1790"  of  "A  Collection  of  Dancing  Tunes,  Marches,  &  Song  Tunes" 
now  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Austin  Holden,  Boston,  Mass.  This  is  an 
exceedingly  interesting  collection  of  more  than  one  hundred  tunes, 
and  its  importance  is  increased  by  the  fact  that  it  was  written  by 
a  person  with  a  very  neat  hand  not  only,  but  a  musical  hand.  Parts 
of  a  Boston  newspaper  of  1788  have  been  used  for  the  inside  of  the 
leather  binding,  but  this,  of  course,  though  original,  may  have  been 
added  any  time  after  1788.  The  earliest  possible  date  of  compila- 
tion is  1778,  since  in  that  year  Francis  Hopkinson  wrote  his  "Battle 
of  the  Kegs,"  which  figures  in  the  collection.  It  furthermore  looks 
as  if  the  collection  was  complete  before  Whittier  Perkins  claimed 
it  as  his  property  in  1790.  We  are  perfectly  safe  in  dating  this 
version  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  as  it  appears  on  the  first  page  of  the 
unpaged  collection  as  "about  1790:" 


lA  r  r  r  r^g 
iflr  fin  i  r  i  f 


Hi 


Y a nkee    Doodle  . 

gE§E 


125 


YANKEE  DOODLE 

;-^=i=p^  _g 


Si 


This  last  version  is  probably  a  few  years  earlier.  It  appears  written 
in  a  collection  of  psalm  and  popular  tunes  attached  to  an  incomplete 
copy  of  Thomas  Walter's  "Grounds  and  rules  of  musick/'  Boston, 
edition  of  1760,  as  preserved  under  number  of  ilG.  38.  23"  at  the 
Boston  Public  Library.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  manuscript  music 
forms  two  collections  in  two  different  hands.  The  psalm  tunes  are 
paged  26-46  in  continuation  of  the  engraved  psalm  tunes,  and  on 
page  42  we  read  "Wm.  Cummingham,  Esqr.  1765."  These  psalm 
tunes  are  followed  by  seventeen  pages  of  such  popular  airs  as  "The 
Hero,"  "Lovely  Nancy,"  "A  trip  to  Halifax,"  "God  save  the  King," 
"Prince  Eugene's  March,"  "Bellisle  March,"  "Wild  Irishman," 
"British  Grenadiers,"  and  "Yankee  Doodle."  The  presence  of  so 
many  marches  and  of  a  "Hessian  Minuet"  permits  us  to  conjecture 
that  the  collection  was  written  after  1765,  either  during  the  war  or 
immediately  after.  It  is  therefore  perhaps  not  unsafe  to  date  this 
version  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  as  "about  1780."  It  will  be  observed 
and  the  fact  is  noted  here  without  an  attempt  to  solve  the  puzzle, 
how  strikingly  these  two  early  American  manuscript  versions  differ 
from  the  early  printed  versions  and  how  much  more  similarity  exists 
between  them  and  the  printed  New  England  versions  of  1803  and 
1820.  Indeed  the  assumption  is  not  at  all  far  fetched  that  Yankee 
Doodle  in  its  modern  form  is  a  composite  tune,  formed  out  of  at  least 
two  different  tunes  of  different  age.  Finally  a  version  may  here  be 
recorded  which  Mr.  Frank  Kidson  found  in  a  manuscript  book  in 
his  possession,  the  first  date  in  which  is  1790  and  the  last  1792: 


"Yankee  Doodle"  has  gradually  become  a  national  march,  a 
national  air.  That  its  text  is  now  more  or  less  obsolete,  is  so  evident 
as  not  to  require  proof.  The  only  words  current  are  with  slight 
variations : 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Riding  on  a  pony, 
Stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat 

And  called  it  Macaroni. 


126  Yankee    Doodle. 

These  or  similar  words  Admiral  Preble,  1816-1885  in  his  childhood 
heard  repeatedly  (see  p.  104)  from  his  father,  Capt.  Enoch  Preble, 
1763-1842.  As  far  as  I  can  see,  this  is  the  only  evidence  we  have 
that  the  words  were  known  in  America  as  early  as  about  1820.  They 
may  have  originated  much  earlier.  How  much  earlier,  depends  on 
the  circumstancial  evidence  offered  by  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle" 
and  "Macaroni."  The  combination  of  "Yankee"  and  "Doodle" 
was,  so  Andrew  Barton's  "The  Disappointment"  proves,  fairly  cur- 
rent in  1767,  at  least  in  Philadelphia.  Since  no  earlier  reference  to 
a  tune  "  Yankee  Doodle  "  has  come  to  light,  and  since  it  is  entirely 
possible  that  the  tune  under  this  title  had  rushed  into  popularity  in 
the  very  year  of  publication  of  "The  Disappointment,"  no  earlier 
date  for  the  use  of  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle"  would  be  safe  than 
"at  least  as  early  as  1767."  After  that,  the  use  of  these  two  words 
in  combination  became,  as  we  know,  fairly  frequent,  at  any  rate  in 
America,  Doodle  retaining  its  old  meaning  and  "Yankee"  becoming 
preferably  a  nickname  for  New  Englanders.  In  England  the  combi- 
nation "Yankee  Doodle"  probably  was  not  used  until  about  or 
after  1770. 

As  Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire  informed  me,  the  British  Museum 
[G.  310.  (163)]  preserves  a  single-sheet  song,  called  "Yankee  Doodle, 
or,  the  Negroes  Farewell  to  America.  The  words  and  music  by 
T.  L."  The  sheet  bears  the  initials  C.  &  S.,  i.  e.,  Charles  and  Samuel 
Thompson,  who  published  music  at  London  from  1764  to  1776  or 
1778.  (The  music  bears  no  relation  to  our  "Yankee  Doodle"  tune. 
This  is  mentioned  here  because  somebody  in  the  ecstasy  of  discovery 
may  claim  that  T.  L.  wrote  and  composed  our  "Yankee  Doodle.") 
The  publishers  may  have  printed  this  sheet  song  as  early  as  1764  or 
as  late  as  1778.  Consequently,  it  does  not  help  us  positively  to 
trace  the  earliest  known  use  of  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle"  in 
England. 

Attention  had  been  drawn  to  this  song  in  Notes  and  Queries  as  early 
as  1852,  and  by  Doctor  Rimbault  in  Notes  and  Queries  December  1, 
1860,  and  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  1861,  where  he  stated  that  the 
British  Museum  gave  the  song  the  conjectural  date  of  1775.  Rim- 
bault added  the  titles  of  two  other  "Yankee  Doodle"  songs  printed 
in  England  and  preserved  at  the  British  Museum,  which  are  of  inter- 
est in  this  connection: 

(1 )  D'Estaing  eclipsed,  or  Yankee  Doodle's  defeat.     By  T.  Poynton. 

(2)  "Yankee  Doodle,  or  (as  now  christened  by  the  saints  of  New 
England),  the  Lexington  March." 

Rimbault  further  stated  that  Poynton's  song  has  its  own  melody, 
whereas  the  second  song  has  the  familiar  "Yankee  Doodle"  music,  a 
statement  since  verified  by  Mr.  William  Barclay  Squire,  Mr.  Matthews, 
and  others.  Of  the  text  of  this  particular  "Yankee  Doodle"  song 
more  will  be  said  later  on.  Here  it  is  sufficient  to  remark  that  Mr. 


Yankee    Doodle.  127 

Albert  Matthews  discovered  a  copy  of  it  in  possession  of  Mr.  John 
Ritchie,  jr.,  of  Boston.  It  bears  the  imprint  of  Thomas  Skillern, 
London,  and  he  is  known,  according  to  Mr.  Frank  Kidson's  "British 
Music  Publishers,"  to  have  printed  music  under  his  own  name  at  17 
St.  Martin's  lane  between  1777-78  and  1799.  Therefore,  this  partic- 
ular publication  by  Skillern  can  not  have  contributed  to  the  circula- 
tion of  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  England  before  1777. 

With  reference  to  "D'Estaing  eclipsed,  or  Yankee  Doodle's  defeat," 
this  quotation  from  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1783,  by  Petersfield 
in  the  Magazine  of  American  History  (1877,  Vol.  I,  p.  452),  will  be  of 
service : 

Your  readers  and  the  public  must  remember  an  object  of  compassion  who  used 
to  sing  ballads,  about  the  streets  and  went  by  the  vulgar  appellation  of  Yankee 
Doodle,  alluding  to  a  song  he  sang  about  London,  at  the  Commencement  of  the 
American  War;  his  real  name  was  Thomas  Poynton. 

Apparently  he  was  identical  with  the  author  and  composer  of 
"D'Estaing  eclipsed."  In  that  case,  he  most  probably  sang  his  own 
"Yankee  Doodle"  words  and  tune  about  the  streets  and  not  our 
"Yankee  Doodle."  However,  since  D'Estaing  was  "eclipsed"  in 
1778  and  1779,  T.  Poynton  can  not  have  contributed  to  the  circula- 
tion of  the  words  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  England  until  after  1778. 

These  data  render  it  very  improbable  that  lines  containing  the  two 
words  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  this  combination  can  have  originated  in 
England  before  1764.  This  allows  the  widest  possible  margin  (the 
beginning  of  C.  and  S.  Thompson's  activity  as  music  publishers), 
whereas  the  probabilities  are  that  the  two  words  were  not  current 
in  England  until  considerably  after  1770. 

Turning  to  the  word  "Macaroni"  in  our  doggerel  quatrain — 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Riding  on  a  pony 
Stuck  a  feather  in  his  hat 

And  called  it  Macaroni, 

it  may  have  been  used  as  mere  nonsense,  the  fun  consisting  in  the  in 
itself  burlesque  association  of  "feather  in  his  hat"  and  "Macaroni" 
without  any  hidden  meaning.  In  this  case  the  word  "Macaroni" 
would  afford  no  tangible  clue  for  tracing  the  earliest  possible  date  of 
the  verses.  It  is  different  if  the  prevailing  and  almost  obviously 
correct  impression  be  accepted  that  we  have  here  an  allusion  to  the 
London  Macaronis  imitated  by  a  New  England  doodle  with  the  aspi- 
rations of  a  dandy  and  a  fop. 

According  to  Doctor  Murray's  Oxford  English  Dictionary  the  \vord 
"Macaroni"  as  applied  to  a  certain  kind  of  burlesque  poetry,  dates 
back  to  1638  and  flourished  between  1727  and  1741.  In  the  sense  of 
fop,  dandy,  it  was  the  exquisite  of  a  class  which  arose  in  England 
about  1 760  and  consisted  of  young  men  who  had  traveled  and  affected 
the  taste  and  fashions  prevalent  in  continental  society.  Again,  ac- 
cording to  Doctor  Murray,  this  use  seems  to  be  from  the  name  of  the 


128 


Y a nkee    Doodle . 


"Macaroni  Club,"  a  designation  probably  adopted  to  indicate  the 
preferences  of  the  members  for  foreign  cookery,  macaroni  still  being  at 
that  time  little  eaten,  though  the  dish  was  known  in  England  as  early 
as  Ben  Jonson's  time  (1599).  Horace  Walpole,  on  February  6, 1764, 
speaks  of  "the  Macaroni  Club,  which  is  composed  of  all  the  traveled 
young  men,  who  wear  long  curls  and  spying  glasses."  A  few  months 
later,  on  May  27, 1764,  he  writes:  "Lady  Falkener's  daughter  is  to  be 
married  to  a  young  rich  Mr.  Crewe,  a  Macarone,  and  of  our  Loo." 
Mr.  Henry  B.  Wheatley  in  "London  Past  and  Present"  (1891,  Vol.  II, 
p.  453)  states  that  the  Macaroni  Club  was  "instituted  in  1764."  As 
Mr.  Wheatley  does  not  allude  to  any  authority  for  this  definite  date, 
I  agree  with  Mr.  Matthews  that  he  ought  rather  to  have  stated  ' '  about 
1764."  Moreover,  Mr.  Matthews  unearthed  an  important  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  word  as  applied  to  fops  under  the  title  "Macaroni 
explained"  in  the  Scots  Magazine  for  November,  1772: 

Macaroni  is,  in  the  Italian  language,  a  word  made  use  of  to  express  a  compound 
dish  made  of  vermicelli  and  other  pastes  .  .  .  This  dish  was  far  from  being 
universally  known  in  this  country  till  the  commencement  of  the  last  peace: 
when,  like  many  other  foreign  fashions,  it  was  imported  by  our  connoscenti  in 
eating,  as  an  improvement  to  the  subscription-table  at  Almack's.  In  time,  the 
subscribers  to  those  dinners  became  to  be  distinguished  by  the  title  of  Macaroni; 
and  as  the  meeting  was  composed  of  the  younger  and  gayer  part  of  our  nobility 
and  gentry,  who,  at  the  same  time  that  they  gave  in  to  the  luxuries  of  eating, 
went  equally  into  the  extravagances  of  dress,  the  word  Macaroni  changed  its 
meaning  to  that  of  a  person  who  exceeded  the  ordinary  bounds  of  fashion,  and 
•  is  now  justly  used  as  a  term  of  reproach  to  all  ranks  of  people,  indifferently,  who 
fall  into  this  absurdity. 

The  "last  peace"  was  the  Peace  of  Paris,  1763.  This  together 
with  the  fact  that  the  statement  was  made  less  than  a  decade  from 
that  peace  and  that  nobody  has  succeeded  in  unearthing  a  reference 
to  "Macaroni"  in  the  sense  of  fop  earlier  than  1764,  leads  to  a  very 
simple  conclusion:  If  in  our  "Yankee  Doodle"  lines  the  word 
"Macaroni"  is  used  in  the  sense  of  fop,  then  the  lines  almost  with 
certainty  had  their  origin  after  176 '4-  It  is  further  significant  that 
the  Macaronis,  who  affected  immense  knots  of  artificial  hair,  ludi- 
crously small  cock-hats  [!],  enormous  walking  sticks  with  long  tassels 
and  jackets,  waistcoats  and  breeches  of  very  close  cut  (see  Wright's 
Caricature  History  of  the  Georges,  London  [1868],  p.  259),  reached 
the  height  of  their  reign  as  arbiters  of  advanced  fashion  from  about 
1770  to  1775.  All  this  direct  and  circumstantial  evidence  on  the 
words  "Yankee  Doodle"  and  "Macaroni"  leads  to  the  conclusion 
that  our  doggerel  quatrain  did  not  originate  until  about  or  after  1764. 
Furthermore,  it  undermines  the  possibility  that  the  verses  were  not 
written  in  America  and  since  no  reference  is  made  in  English  sources 
to  these  lines  until  far  into  the  nineteenth  century,  it  may  be  taken 
for  granted  that  indeed  the  lines  originated  in  America.  The  question 
would  still  remain  open,  by  whom  were  they  written?  By  a  city- 
bred  Colonial,  who  merely  desired  to  ridicule  the  rustic  New  Eng- 


Yankee    Doodle.  129 

landers,  or  by  a  Tory  or  by  a  Britisher?  Had  two  or  three  verses, 
unmistakably  belonging  together,  been  preserved  instead  of  one, 
the  question  would  probably  have  been  easy  to  answer.  The  stanza — 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 
Riding  on  a  pony,  etc. 

never  appears  with  companion  stanzas,  and  yet  it  is  safe  to  say  that 
such  existed.  Unless  an  authentic  contemporary  copy  of  the  whole 
"poem"  turns  up,  we,  at  this  late  date,  can  do  no  more  than  call 
attention  to  some  verses  which  have  survived,  and  which  may  have 
belonged  to  the  original  string  of  stanzas,  or  at  least  may  have  been 
inspired  by  them.  Such  verses  are  the  following: 

1.  From  Watson's  "Annals  of  Philadelphia,"  1844,  contained  also 
in  his  letter  of  February,  1832: 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

For  to  buy  a  firelock: 
We  will  tar  and  feather  him 

And  so  we  will  John  Hancock. 

2.  Samuel  Breck  in  his  "Recollections"   (1877,  p.   132),  writing 
about  1830  and  speaking  of  John  Hancock,  said: 

.  .  .  This  subject  brings  to  my  mind  four  verses  to  the  tune  of  "Yankee  Doodle" 
often  sung  by  the  British  officers  during  the  Revolution: 

Madam  Hancock  dreamt  a  dream; 

She  dreamt  she  wanted  something; 
She  dreamt  she  wanted  a  Yankee  King, 

To  crown  him  with  a  pumpkin. 

3.  George    H.    Moore's   manuscript    on    "Yankee    Doodle"    pre- 
viously mentioned  contains  this  stanza  recorded  by  an  "old  gentle- 
man who  recalled  [it]  about  1830  as  one  of  a  ditty  common  in  his 
own  school  days:" 

Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town 

Put  on  his  strip'd  trowse's 
And  vow'd  he  could  n't  see  the  place  (town) 

There  was  so  many  houses. 

This  last  verse,  just  as  the  "Macaroni"  verse,  deals  humorously  with 
the  personal  appearance  of  Yankee  Doodle,  and  while  slightly  satirical, 
might  have  been  written  not  only  by  a  Britisher,  but  by  any  American, 
Tory  or  Rebel,  who  desired  to  poke  some  fun  at  the  New  England 
country  bumpkins.  It  is  different  with  the  first  and  second  verse 
just  quoted.  They  obviously  can  have  been  penned  only  by  a  Tory 
or  a  Britisher,  and  the  question  merely  is  what  date  of  origin  their 
contents  suggest,  though  they  do  not  seem  to  have  appeared  in  print 
until  far  into  the  nineteenth  century.  A  brief  reference  to  the  biog- 
raphy of  so  well  known  a  historical  figure  as  John  Hancock  will 
answer  the  question  without  much  further  comment : 

Born  in  1737  at  Quincy,  Mass.,  John  Hancock  became  one  of  the  most  active 
"Sons  of  Liberty"  (after  1765),  a  representative  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature, 
1766-1772,  and  he  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  to  demand  of  the  royal  governor 
the  removal  of  the  British  troops  from  Boston,  1770.  The  efforts  of  the  governor 
to  secure  his  and  Samuel  Adams's  person,  led  to  the  Battle  of  Lexington  April  18 

85480—09 9 


130  Yankee    Doodle. 

and  19, 1775  and  caused  Gen.  Gage  to  exclude  both  from  the  general  pardon  granted 
the  rebels.  Chosen  President  of  the  Provincial  Congress  in  October,  1774,  he 
became  a  delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress,  1775-1780,  and  its  President  from 
May,  1775,  to  October,  1777.  He  married  Dorothy  Quincy  at  Fairfield,  Conn., 
August  28,  1775. 

The  "Madam  Hancock"  verse,  therefore — so  it  may  be  argued — 
was  not  written  before  August  28,  1775,  but  a  "Madam  Hancock" 
may  have  been  introduced  for  reasons  of  satire  into  this  verse  by  its 
author  without  the  slightest  knowledge  whether  or  not  John  Hancock 
was  married.  Nor  do  the  words  "Yankee  King"  necessarily  point 
to  the  year  1775,  when  Hancock  became  President  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  because  it  appears  from  "A  New  Song"  in  the  Boston 
Gazette  of  March  26,  1770  (to  which  Mr.  Matthews  called  my  atten- 
tion) that  the  sobriquet  "K — g  H — k"  was  applied  to  him  as  early 
as  1770.  However,  "Madam  Hancock"  and  "Yankee  King"  taken 
together  would  seem  to  lend  force  to  the  conjecture  that  this  particular 
verse  originated  after  August  28,  1775,  rather  than  before.  No  such 
circumstantial  evidence  attaches  to  the  "tar  and  feather"  verse, 
except  that  from  1768  on  the  patriots  delighted  in  inflicting  this  pas- 
time on  the  Tories,  and  that  John  Hancock  certainly  was  despised 
by  Tory  and  Britisher  alike  after  1770  more  than  before. 

The  three  verses  beginning  "  Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town,"  it  may 
safely  be  assumed,  belong  to  the  same  breed  of  verses,  though  they 
and  others  may  not  have  been  written  by  one  author  or  on  the  same 
occasion.  The  "Madam  Hancock"  verse  surely  had  a  source  not 
very  distant  from  that  of  the  others,  and  as  far  as  the  date  of  origin 
of  all  four  verses  is  concerned,  everything  seems  to  point  to  a  date 
later  than  1770.  For  practical  purposes,  indeed,  these  verses  may 
be  said  to  have  been  written  probably  about  1775. 

On  page  105  of  this  report  George  H.  Moore's  unpublished  opinion 
of  Doctor  Shuckburgh's  share  in  the  fortunes  of  "Yankee  Doodle" 
was  quoted  in  part.  He  there  mentions  as  "The  only  verses  I  have 
met  with  which  carry  any  appearance  of  having  been  a  part  of  the 
original." 

There  is  a  man  in  our  town 

I  pity  his  condition. 
He  sold  his  oxen  ana  his  sheep 
To  buy  him  a  commission — 

When  his  own  commission  he  had  got, 

He  proved  a  nation  coward 
He  durst  not  go  to  Cape  Breton 

For  fear  he'd  be  devoured. 

Moore  does  not  say  that  he  got  these  verses  from  an  "old  gentle- 
man" remembering  them  like  the  "Strip'd  trowse's  "  verse  about  1830, 
nor  does  he  state  who  this  old  gentleman  was,  nor  would  a  disclosure 
of  identity  help  us  much.  Any  attempt  to  date  these  two  verses  must 
take  its  cue  from  the  allusion  to  Cape  Breton :  the  author  of  the  verses, 


Yankee    Doodle.  131 

clearly  belonging  together,  referred  either  to  the  capture  of  Cape 
Breton  on  June  17, 1745,  by  the  Americans,  or  by  General  Amherst  on 
July  26,  1758  (Louisbourg) . 

Here  the  matter  would  have  to  rest,  but  for  the  "Yankee  Doodle" 
song  published  by  Thomas  Skillern,  of  London,  between  1777  and  1799, 
and  preserved  at  the  British  Museum.  As  stated  on  page  177,  Mr. 
Matthews  discovered  another  copy  at  Boston  in  possession  of  Mr. 
Ritchie,  jr.,  who  allowed  the  Library  of  Congress  to  secure  a  facsimile. 
(See  Appendix,  PL  XX.)  The  title  and  text  read: 

YANKEE  DOODLE; 

or, 
(as  now  christened  by  the  Saints  of  New  England) 

THE    LEXINGTON    MARCH. 

N.  B.  The  Words  to  be  Sung  throu'  the  Nose,  &  in  the  West 
Country  drawl  &  dialect. 

[Here  the  music  and  first  verse  follow.] 

1.  Brother  Ephraim  sold  his  Cow 

And  bought  him  a  Commission, 
And  then  he  went  to  Canada 

To  fight  for  the  Nation. 
But  when  Ephraim  he  came  home 

He  prov'd  an  arrant  Coward, 
He  wou'dn't  fight  the  Frenchmen  there, 

For  fear  of  being  devour'd. 

2.  Sheep's  Head  and  Vinegar, 

ButterMilk  and  Tansy, 
Boston  is  a  Yankee  town, 

Sing  Hey  Doodle  Dandy. 
First  we'll  take  a  Pinch  of  Snuff, 

And  then  a  drink  of  Water, 
And  then  we'll  say,  How  do  you  do, 

And  that's  a  Yanky's  Supper. 

3.  Aminidab  is  just  come  Home, 

His  Eyes  all  greas'd  with  Bacon 
And  all  the  news  that  he  cou'd  tell 

Is  Cape  Breton  is  taken. 
Stand  up  Jonathan 

Figure  in  by  Neighbor, 
Nathan  stand  a  little  off 

And  make  the  Room  some  wider. 

4.  Christmas  is  a  coming  Boys, 

We'll  go  to  Mother  Chases, 
And  there  we'll  get  a  Sugar  Dram, 

Sweeten 'd  with  Melasses. 
Heigh  ho  for  our  Cape  Cod, 

Heigh  ho  Nantasket, 
Do  not  let  the  Boston  wags 

Feel  your  Oyster  Basket. 

5.  Punk  in  Pye  is  very  good, 

And  so  is  Apple  Lantern, 
Had  you  been  whipp'd  as  oft  as  I 

You'd  not  have  been  so  wanton. 
Uncle  is  a  Yankee  Man, 

I 'faith  he  pays  us  all  off, 
And  he  has  got  a  Fiddle 

As  big  as  Daddy's  Hog's  Trough. 


132  Yankee    Doodle. 

Stanzas  sixth  and  seventh  are  too  obscene  for  quotation.  The 
sixth,  however,  contains  a  reference  to  "Doctor  Warren,"  and  if  the 
famous  patriot  Joseph  Warren  is  meant,  as  is  probable,  then  this 
stanza  must  have  been  written  after  1764,  when  Warren  began  to 
practice  medicine  at  Boston,  and  most  likely  before  June  17,  1775, 
when  he  was  killed  at  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  If  the  whole  song 
were  known  as  a  unit,  and  printed  by  Skillern  in  its  original  and 
complete  form,  then  the  allusion  to  Doctor  Warren  would  also  settle 
the  approximately  latest  date  of  the  text.  In  the  absence  of  any 
such  positive  information,  we  are  obliged  to  fall  back  on  the  single 
stanzas  and  on  the  title.  Whatever  the  date  of  the  text  in  part  or 
as  a  whole  may  be,  the  title  "Yankee  Doodle  or  The  Lexington 
March"  clearly  alludes  to  the  momentous  battle  of  Lexington  and 
Concord  April  18  and  19,  1775,  and  can  not  have  been  prefixed  to 
the  text  before  this  date,  though,  of  course,  the  text  could  have  been 
written  earlier  without  this  particular  title.  The  second  and  fifth 
stanza  do  not  offer  any  clew  except  "Boston  is  a  Yankee  town" 
and  "Uncle  is  a  Yankee  Man."  The  history  of  the  use  of  the  word 
as  applied  to  New  England,  renders  it  probable  that  these  stanzas 
were  written  after  1760.  The  third  mentions  the  taking  of  Cape 
Breton  as  "news,"  but  it  is  not  at  all  necessary  to  date  the  stanza 
therefore  as  early  as  1745  or  1758.  The  joke  of  the  stanza  may  have 
consisted  in  this,  to  picture  the  Yankee  Aminidab  as  such  a  country 
bumpkin  and  so  absurdly  behind  the  times,  that  "all  the  news  that 
he  cou'd  tell"  was  the  taking  of  Cape  Breton.  The  more  years  had 
elapsed  since  that  memorable  event,  the  more  effective  the  joke. 
Whether  this  was  the  intention  of  the  author  or  not,  we  at  least 
need  not  hesitate  to  date  the  stanza  later  than  several  months  after 
July  26,  1758,  because  it  would  really  be  carrying  historical  accuracy 
too  far  to  consider  seriously  the  year  1745  in  connection  with  any 
"Yankee  Doodle"  song. 

The  first  stanza  is  still  more  puzzling.  It  may  refer  either  to  the 
French-Canadian  war,  and  more  particularly  again  to  the  year  1758, 
or  to  our  own  expedition  to  Canada  in  1776.  In  the  latter  case  the 
allusion  to  "The  Frenchman"  would  be  a  little  troublesome,  though 
here  again  the  joke  may  consist  in  ridiculing  Brother  Ephraim's 
anachronistic  notions.  That  in  older  times  the  stanza  was  con- 
nected with  the  French-Canadian  war  rather  than  with  the  war  of 
the  Revolution  may  be  argued  from  the  fact  that  the  two  verses 
quoted  on  page  130  clearly  refer  to  the  expedition  against  Cape 
Breton  in  1758,  and  these  two  verses,  it  will  be  noticed,  are  strikingly 
kin  to  the  "Brother  Ephraim"  stanza.  So  kin  indeed  that  one  must 
have  been  evolved  from  the  other.  The  two  four  liners,  whatever 
their  date  of  origin,  were  not  recorded  until  far  into  the  nineteenth 


Yankee    Doodle.  133 

century,  whereas  the  "Brother  Ephraim"  stanza  was  published 
possibly  as  early  as  1777.  Consequently,  in  absence  of  proof  to  the 
contrary,  the  natural  assumption  must  be  that  the  "Brother 
Ephraim"  stanza  was  the  prototype. 

The  inferences  to  be  drawn  from  this  text  interpretation  are  these: 

(1)  If  the  poem  including  the  title  was  a  unit,  then  it  must  have 
been  written  some  time  after  April  18,  1775  (battle  of  Lexington  and 
Concord),  but  not  very  much  later  than  June  17,  1775   (Warren's 
death). 

(2)  If  the  poem  was  a  unit,  originally  without  the  title  "Yankee 
Doodle  or  the  Lexington -March,"  then  it  might  have  been  written 
not  much  later  than  June  17,  1775,  and  not  earlier  than  1764. 

(3)  If  the  poem  printed  in  this  form,  was  a  composite,  then  the 
single  verses  were  written  any  time  after  July  26,  1758  (Amherst's 
victory  at  Cape  Breton),  and  before  the  date  of  publication. 

Whatever  inference  be  preferred,  with  all  its  consequences,  no  dis- 
agreement seems  possible  on  the  point  that  this  text  was  not  written 
by  a  New  Englander,  but  can  only  have  been  penned  by  either  an 
American  Tory  or  a  Britisher.  Here  attention  must  be  called  to 
the  statement  of  Reverend  Gordon  (see  p.  95),  who  under  date  of 
"Roxbury,  April  26,  1775,"  calls  "Yankee  Doodle"  "a  song  com- 
posed in  derision  of  the  New  Englanders."  In  view  of  such  contem- 
porary evidence  it  would  be  folly  to  deny  the  substantial  correctness 
of  this  statement.  Whether  or  not  the  story  recorded  by  the  anony- 
mous author  in  Farmer  &  Moore's  Collections,  May,  1824,  correctly 
adds  the  detail  "composed  by  a  British  officer  of  the  Revolution" 
is  immaterial.  The  fact  remains  that  verses  composed,  i.  e.,  written 
in  derision  of  the  New  Englanders  must  have  existed  before  April  26, 
1775,  in  form  of  a  specific  well-known  song,  to  which,  of  course,  any 
number  of  verses  might  have  been  added  later  on  ad  libitum.  If 
the  first  of  the  three  inferences  enumerated  above  be  adopted,  then 
the  shortness  of  the  interval  between  April  18  and  April  26,  1775, 
would  seem  to  exclude  the  possibility  that  Reverend  Gordon  had 
"Yankee  Doodle  or  the  Battle  of  Lexington"  in  mind,  and  in  that 
case  the  "Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town"  verses  would  offer  them- 
selves more  readily  for  a  solution  of  the  problem.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  inferences  second  or  third  be  preferred,  we  would  have  our 
choice  between  two  texts  without  much  evidence  in  favor  of  either. 
However,  there  exists  a  third  text,  and  the  inability  to  keep  the  three 
asunder  has  caused  much  of  the  frightful  confusion  surrounding  our 
"Yankee  Doodle." 

In  the  history  of  the  American  drama,  Royall  Tyler's  comedy  "The 
Contrast"  holds  the  place  of  a  pioneer  work.  Though  not  published 
until  1790,  at  Philadelphia,  the  play  was  acted  as  early  as  April,  1787, 
at  New  York,  and  performed  there  and  elsewhere  with  more  or  less 


134  Yankee    Doodle. 

success.  In  "The  Contrast "  we  find  in  Act  III,  scene  I,  this  amusing 
bit  of  dialogue.  Jonathan,  the  first  stage  Yankee,  when  asked  to  sing 
a  song,  says: 

all  my  tunes  go  to  meeting  tunes  Jpealm  tunes],  save  one,  and  I  count  you 
won't  altogether  like  that  'ere. 

Jenny:  What  is  it  called? 

Jonathan:  I  am  sure  you  have  heard  folks  talk  about  it,  it  ia  called  Yankee 
Doodle. 

Jenny:  Ohl  it  is  the  tune  I  am  fond  of,  and,  if  I  know  any  thing  of  my  mistress, 
she  would  be  glad  to  dance  to  it.  Pray,  sing? 

Jonathan  [Sings]: 

Father  and  I  went  up  to  camp, 

Along  with  Captain  Goodwin; 
And  there  we  saw  the  men  and  boys, 

As  thick  as  hasty-pudding. 
Yankee  doodle  do,  etc. 

And  then  we  saw  a  swamping  gun 

Big  as  a  log  of  maple, 
On  a  little  deuced  cart, 

A  load  for  father's  cattle. 
Yankee  Doodle  do,  etc. 

And  every  time  they  fired  it  off 

It  took  a  horn  of  powder, 
It  made  a  noise  like  father's  gun, 

Only  a  nation  louder. 

Yankee  Doodle  do,  etc. 

There  was  a  man  in  our  town 
His  name  was  — 

No,  no,  that  won't  do.  .  .  .  [after  some  dialogue] 

Jonathan:  No,  no,  I  can  sing  no  more,  some  other  time,  when  you  and  I  are 
better  acquainted,  I'll  sing  the  whole  of  it — no,  no — that's  a  fib — I  can't  sing  but 
a  hundred  and  ninety-nine  verses:  Our  Tabitha  at  home  can  sing  it  all — [Sings] 

Marblehead'sarocky  place, 

And  Cape-Cod  is  sandy; 
Charlestown  is  burned  down, 

Boston  is  the  dandy. 
Yankee  doodle,  doodle  do,  etc. 

I  vow  my  own  town  song  has  put  me  into  such  topping  spirits,  that  I  believe  I'll 
begin  to  do  a  little,  as  Jessamy  says  we  must  when  we  go  a  courting —  .  .  . 

Enough  of  the  dialogue  has  been  quoted  to  make  it  self-evident 
that  Royall  Tyler  did  not  write  these  verses  himself,  but  merely 
borrowed  them  for  his  purposes  from  what  the  Germans  so  happily 
call  the  "Volksmund. "  Discounting  some  of  the  hundred  and 
ninety-nine  verses  as  part  of  Tyler's  humorous  poetic  license,  it  is 
clear  that  many  folk  poets  must  have  been  at  work  to  form  such  an 
endless  chain  of  verses  for  Yankee  Doodle,  the  single  links  of  which 
would  be  left  out  or  inserted  according  to  local  preferences,  as  is  so 
often  the  case  with  folk  songs.  It  is,  furthermore,  clear  that  the  text, 
whole  or  hi  part,  could  not  have  become  so  well  known  and  popular 
in  one  or  two  or  three  years  in  a  country  like  America  to  make  a 
reference  to  more  than  199  ballad  verses  an  effective  bit  of  humorous 


Yankee    Doodle.  135 

exaggeration  and  comedy  writing.  Thus  we  seem  to  drift  back  toward 
Revolutionary  times,  but  it  is  also  significant  that  at  least  the  verse 
"Marblehead's  a  rocky  place"  can  not  have  been  written  before  June 
17,  1775,  the  day  on  which  Charlestown  was  burned  down  by  General 
Gage.  Nor  would  there  have  been  any  sense  in  writing  them  after 
1785,  when  the  town  was  rapidly  rising  from  the  ashes. 

Curiously  enough,  this  verse,  which  seems  to  have  been  written 
between  middle  of  June,  1775  and  1785,  appears  in  none  of  the 
historically  important  sources  of  the  publications  of  the  "Yankee 
Doodle"  text.  No  safe  inference  is  to  be  drawn  from  this  fact,  but 
one  is  naturally  inclined  to  believe  that  it  was  a  local  interpolation 
not  belonging  to  the  original  text. 

The  publications  of  the  text  alluded  to  are  the  following: 

(1)  A  broadside  entitled  "The  Yankee's  Return  From  Camp," 
containing  fifteen  stanzas  and  adorned  in  the  upperhand  corners  by 
two  grotesque  woodcuts.     This  broadside  is  in  the  possession  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Worcester.     The  Library  of  Congress 
possesses,  by  courtesy  of  this  institution,  a  photographic  facsimile  of 
this  broadside  (See  Appendix,  PI.  XXI),  as  also  of  the  following 
broadside  preserved  at  the  American  Antiquarian  Society: 

(2)  "The    Yankey's    Return    From   Camp.     Together    with    the 
favorite  Song  of  the  Black  Bird. "     This  version  of  "  Yankee  Doodle, " 
too,  has  fifteen  stanzas.     (See  Appendix,  PI.  XXII.) 

(3)  "The  Farmer  and  his  Son's  return  from  a  visit  to  the  Camp." 
The  whereabouts  of  the  original  of  this  broadside  are  now  unknown, 
but  Mr.  Worthington  C.  Ford,  while  still  with  the  Boston  Public 
Library,  had  a  blueprint  made  of  the  original,  and  this  blueprint  he 
presented  to  Mr.  Albert  Matthews  of  Boston.     Mr.  Matthews,  in  turn, 
permitted  the  Library  of  Congress  to  photograph  this  doubly  unique 
blueprint  for  this  report.     A  description  is  unnecessary,   as  Plate 
XXIII  shows  this  blueprint  in  facsimile. 

(4)  Under  title  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  eleven  stanzas  contributed  by 
an  anonymous  writer  to  Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections  (1824,  vol.  3, 
p.  159-160),  with  five  stanzas  added  by  the  editors: 


YANKEE    DOODLE. 


1.  Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp, 

Along  with  Captain  Goodwin, 
Where  we  see  the  men  and  boys 
As  thick  as  Hasty -puddin. 

2.  There  was  captain  Washington 

Upon  a  slapping  stallion, 
A  giving  orders  to  his  men — 
I  guess  there  was  a  million. 

3.  And  then  the  feathers  on  his  hat, 

They  look'd  so  tarnaljina, 
I  wanted  pockily  to  get 
To  give  to  my  Jemima. 


136  Yankee   Doodle. 

4.  And  there  they  had  a  swampin  gun 

As  large  as  log  of  maple, 
On  a  deuced  little  cart — 
A  load  for  father's  cattle; 

5.  And  every  time  they  fired  it  off, 

It  took  a  horn  of  powder: 
It  made  a  noise  like  father's  gun, 
Only  a  notion  louder. 

6.  I  went  as  near  to  it  myself 

As  Jacob's  underpinnin, 
And  father  went  as  near  again — 
I  thought  the  deuce  was  in  him. 

7.  And  there  I  see  a  little  keg, 

Its  heads  were  made  of  leather — 
They  knock 'd  upon  't  with  little  sticks 
To  call  the  folks  together. 

8.  And  there  they'd  fife  away  like  fun, 

And  play  on  cornstock  fiddles, 
And  some  had  ribbands  red  as  blood, 
All  wound  about  their  middles. 

9.  The  troopers, 'too,  would  gallop  up 

And  fire  right  in  our  faces; 
It  scar'd  me  almost  half  to  death 
To  see  them  run  such  races. 

10.  Old  uncle  Sam.  come  there  to  change 

Some  pancakes  and  some  onions, 
For  lasses-cakes,  to  carry  home 
To  give  his  wife  and  young  ones. 

11.  But  I  can't  tell  you  half  I  see 

They  kept  up  such  a  smother; 
So  I  took  my  hat  off — made  a  bow, 
And  scamper 'd  home  to  mother. 

[The  editors  are  in  possession  of  a  copy  of  Yankee  Doodle  which  contains  several 
verses  more  than  the  foregoing.    We  will  add  them,  though  we  are  not  certain  but 
that  they  are  interpolations.] 
After  verse  6: 

Cousin  Simon  grew  so  bold, 

I  thought  he  would  have  cock'd  it, 
It  scar'd  me  so,  I  shrink'd  it  off, 
And  hung  by  father's  pocket. 

And  Captain  Davis  had  a  gun, 

He  kind  a  clapt  his  hand:  on  't, 
And  stuck  a  crooked  stabbing  iron 

Upon  the  little  end  on  't. 

And  there  I  see  a  pumpkin  shell, 

As  big  as  mother's  bason, 
And  every  time  they  touch 'd  it  off, 

They  scam  per 'd  like  the  nation. 
After  verse  10: 

I  see  another  snarl  of  men 

A  digging  graves,  they  told  me, 
So  tarnal  long,  so  tarnal  deep, 

They  tended  they  should  hold  me. 

It  scar'd  me  so.  I  hook'd  it  off 

Nor  stopt  as  I  remember. 
Nor  turn'd  about  till  I  got  home, 

Lock'd  up  in  mother's  chamber. 


Yankee    Doodle.  137 

A  comparison  of  the  three  broadsides  given  in  the  Appendix  in 
photographic  facsimile  proves  that  the  texts  are  identical,  though 
the  titles  and  the  orthography  differ  a  little.  Each  broadside  has 
fifteen  stanzas  in  the  same  sequence,  each  has  the  spelling  "Yankey 
Doodle"  in  the  chorus,  and  what  is  not  without  importance,  each 
has  "Captain  Gooding"  in  the  second  line  of  the  first  stanza.  These 
three  broadsides  therefore  represent  three  issues  of  one  and  the  same 
poem  not  only,  but  of  the  poem  in  a  concrete  and  accepted  form. 

The  anonymous  contributor  to  Farmer  &  Moore's  Collections  re- 
marked that  his  was  a  "copy  of  the  song  as  it  was  printed  thirty-five 
years  since,  and  as  it  was  troll'd  in  our  Yankee  circles  of  that  day." 
This  would  establish  the  year  1789  as  approximate  date  of  the  original 
publication,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  he  actually  copied  the  words 
from  a  printed  broadside  or  page  before  him  at  the  time  of  writing 
his  article.  He  may  have  copied  from  memory,  as  it  were,  the  song 
as  printed  and  current  about  1789.  Though  no  broadside  or  sheet 
song  appears  to  have  come  down  to  us  with  the  unquestionable  date 
of  1789,  we  are  not  justified  in  assuming  that  the  anonymous  invented 
the  existence  of  a  publication  of  the  "Yankee  Doodle"  text  about 
1789,  and  in  absence  of  negative  proof  are  permitted  only  to  regret 
that  no  copy  of  this  publication  is  accessible.0 

It  is  clear  that  this  Yankee  Doodle  story  lends  itself  to  endless 
variation  and  expansion,  and  Royall  Tyler's  humorous  "one  hundred 
and  ninety-nine  verses"  is  an  illusion  to  the  fertility  of  the  folk  mind 
in  inventing  new  stanzas  with  or  without  local  flavor.  Between  1 789 
and  1824  our  anonymous  therefore  must  have  heard  many  stanzas 
not  printed  in  the  nonextant  publication  of  1789.  If  he  then,  in  1824, 
did  not  copy  the  text  from  a  broadside  before  him,  but  from  memory, 
very  probably  he  no  longer  was  able  to  distinguish  such  stanzas  as 
actually  occurred  in  the  1789  edition  from  those  added  later  on.  Nor 
would  he  be  absolutely  successful  in  adhering  to  the  original  order 
of  the  stanzas  or  in  every  instance  to  the  original  text.  That  this 
conjecture,  and  not  the  one  which  would  imply  actual  copy  of  a 
broadside  before  the  anonymous  contributor  to  Farmer  &  Moore, 
comes  nearer  the  truth  may  be  inferred  from  the  facts  that  the  first 
seven  stanzas  of  the  eleven,  though  not  in  the  same  sequence,  appear 
in  the  old  broadsides,  that  the  five  stanzas  added  by  Farmer  &  Moore 
appear  in  the  same  broadsides,  and  that  only  three  of  the  fifteen 
stanzas  in  these  broadsides  do  not  appear  in  Farmer  &  Moore.  Con- 
sequently Farmer  &  Moore  used  a  copy  of  one  of  these  three  broad- 

a  This  attitude  involves  certain  consequences,  for  instance,  as  the  tenth  stanza  con- 
tains a  reference  to  "old  Uncle  Sam."  This  Americanism  possibly  was  derived  from 
Yankee  Doodle  verses  current  about  1789,  and  did  not  originate  as  late  as  about  1812. 


138  Yankee    Doodle. 

sides,  and  since  it  will  become  clear  that  they  contain  in  all  proba- 
bility the  original  text  in  an  accepted  form  it  follows  that  not  the 
five  stanzas  added  by  Farmer  &  Moore,  but,  on  the  contrary,  the 
stanzas  eight  to  eleven  in  the  version  of  our  anonymous  are  interpo- 
lations. It  will  be  further  noticed  that  three  of  the  stanzas  appear 
also  in  Royall  Tyler's  comedy.  Consequently,  everything  tends  to 
safeguard  the  assumption  that  here  we  have  the  text  of  the"  Yankee's 
Return  from  Camp"  in  its  best-known,  oldest,  and  presumably  original 
form.  The  question  now  is  whether  or  not  the  broadsides  them- 
selves help  to  trace  the  date  of  origin  of  this  text.  The  "Yankee's 
Return  from  Camp"  has  the  imprint,  "N.  Coverly,  jr.,  Printer,  Milk- 
Street,  Boston."  Reference  to  the  Boston  City  Directories  proves 
that  this  printer  flourished  between  1810  and  1823,  the  "jr."  disappear- 
ing from  the  directory  of  1818.  However,  the  broadside  can  not 
have  been  printed  after  1813,  since  it  forms  part  of  the  curious  collec- 
tion of  songs,  ballads,  etc.,  in  three  volumes,  presented  to  the  Amer- 
ican Antiquarian  Society  by  Isaiah  Thomas  in  1814,  with  the  state- 
ment that  it  was  "purchased  from  a  ballad  printer  and  seller  in 
Boston,  1813.  Bound  up  for  preservation — to  shew  that  the  articles 
of  this  kind  are  in  vogue  with  the  vulgar  at  this  time,  1814."  Con- 
sequently the  date  of  this  particular  broadside  is  fixed  as  between 
1810  and  1813. 

No  such  definite  clew  is  given  in  the  broadside  of  "The  Yankey'a 
Return  from  Camp.  Together  with  the  favorite  Song  of  the  Black 
Bird."  The  spelling  of  YanJcey  instead  of  Yankee  suggests  the  sec- 
ond half  of  the  eighteenth  century  rather  than  the  first  half  of  the 
nineteenth,  but  the  argument  is  not  a  safe  one,  since  the  spelling 
with  y  is  easily  traced  in  early  nineteenth-century  literature.  Indeed, 
it  appears  in  the  very  chorus  of  Coverly's  broadside,  1810-1813.  In 
his  amazingly  minute  monograph  on  the  Americanism  "Uncle  Sam" 
(p.  61  of  the  reprint  from  Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Ant.  Soc.,  1908), 
Mr.  Matthews  infers  from  Isaiah  Thomas's  dedicatory  words  accom- 
panying the  gift  of  this  ballad  collection  that  our  anonymous  broad- 
side was  "probably  printed  in  1813."  In  private  correspondence 
(November  30,  1908)  Mr.  Matthews  asserts  that  "The  burden  of  the 
proof  lies  on  him  who  asserts  that  the  '  Yankey's  Return'  was  printed 
before  1813."  I  utterly  fail  to  see  how  even  a  strictly  literal  inter- 
pretation leads  to  a  definite  year.  Isaiah  Thomas  merely  says  that 
he  purchased  the  entire  collection,  not  merely  this  broadside,  from 
a  ballad  printer  and  seller  in  1813.  Even  without  the  fact  that 
some  of  the  ballads  were  printed  earlier,  it  would  have  been  contrary 
to  common  sense  to  assume  that  the  three  volumes  of  ballads  were 
actually  printed  in  one  and  the  same  year,  1813.  Thomas's  words 
do  not  really  give  any  clew  to  the  dates  of  publication  of  his  ballads, 


Yankee    Doodle.  139 

except  that  they  can  not  have  been  later  than  1813,  and  that  they 
are  somewhat  limited  by  the  remark  "in  vogue  with  the  vulgar 
at  this  time,  1814."  But  if  they  were  in  vogue  one  year  after  the 
collection  was  purchased  by  him,  they  may,  at  the  very  least,  have 
been  in  vogue  one  year  before,  1812.  But  I  doubt  that  Isaiah  Thomas 
intended  his  remarks  to  be  taken  thus  narrowly,  and  it  will  be 
methodically  just  as  correct  to  give  his  words  enough  elasticity  to 
prevent  literal  interpretations  from  ending  unnecessarily  in  blind 
alleys.  "At  this  time,  1814,"  may  safely  be  taken  to  mean  about 
this  time,  or,  in  round  figures,  as  we  are  dealing  with  popular  ballads 
more  or  less  in  vogue,  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

We  also  fail  to  find  a  definite  clew  to  the  date  of  publication  of 
this  particular  broadside,  if  we  turn  our  attention  to  "The  favorite 
song  of  the  Black  Bird."  All  authorities  (see  f.  i.,  Christie's  Tradi- 
tional ballad  airs)  agree  that  the  song  appears  in  the  very  earliest 
edition  of  Ramsay's  Tea  Table  Miscellany,  1724-1727,  and  Mr.  Grat- 
tan  Flood,  in  his  History  of  Irish  Music,  1906,  asserts  that  he  found 
allusion  to  the  song  in  1709.  Of  course,  the  broadside  can  not  have 
been  published  before  "The  Black  Bird"  became  a  favorite,  and 
probably  was  not  published  after  the  song  had  ceased  to  be  a  favor- 
ite. Different  melodies  have  been  recorded  for  this  song,  but  the 
texts  preserved  are  practically  identical  and  the  text  proves  "The 
Black  Bird"  to  be  a  Jacobite  song.  One  version  is  given  on  page  68 
of  the  second  volume  of  Hogg's  Jacobite  Relics,  1821,  and  it  is  very 
significant  that  the  author  says  in  his  note  on  the  song  (p.  288): 

The  Blackbird,  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  street  songs  of  the  day;  at  least, 
it  is  much  in  that  style,  and  totally  different  from  the  manner  of  most  Jacobite 
songs.  It  has  had,  however,  considerable  popularity.  This  copy  was  commu- 
nicated by  Mr.  Fairley,  schoolmaster  in  Tweedsmuir. 

This  surely  does  not  read  as  if  "the  Blackbird"  was  still  a  favorite 
in  Scotland  in  1821.  Furthermore,  while  it  is  claimed  that  the  words 
appear  in  "The  American  Songster,"  Baltimore,  1830,  it  is  a  fact 
that  most  American  songsters  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth 
century  do  not  contain  the  song,  nor  can  it  be  found  in  such  stand- 
ard collections  of  Scotch  songs  as  Smith's  "Scottish  Minstrel "  [182-]; 
Graham's  "Songs  of  Scotland,"  1848-1850;  Johnson's  "Scotish  musical 
museum,"  1859-;  Johnson's  "Scots  Musical  Museum"  [1787],  There 
are  still  other  reasons  for  holding  that  the  song  had  passed  its  popu- 
larity in  1813.  The  words  of  "The  Blackbird,"  as  printed  in  the 
broadside  and  as  anybody  can  see,  clearly  make  veiled  allusion  to 
the  Pretenders  or  their  cause.  The  farther  away  from  this  time  the 
song  is  removed  chronologically  the  less  popular  it  presumably  was. 
Not  only  this,  but  the  sentimental  and  once  so  popular  song  "The 
Maid's  Lamentation,"  so  the  authorities  in  English  folk  song  like 


140  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

Baring-Gouid  and  Chappell  tell  us,  had  one  of  its  earliest  appear- 
ances in  print  in  the  "Songster's  Magazine,"  1804,  and  this  song  has 
all  the  appearance  of  being  a  mere  imitation  and  variation  of  "The 
Blackbird,"  or  at  least  of  having  been  poetically  influenced  by  it. 
The  "Maid's  Lamentation"  in  its  early  form  begins: 

Early  one  morning,  just  as  the  sun  was  rising 
I  heard  a  young  damsel  sigh  and  complain 

Oh  gentle  shepherd,  why  am  I  forsaken? 
On  why  should  I  in  sorrow  remain! 

After  that  the  lines  differ  widely,  yet  the  underlying  poetic  motive 
is  the  same — a  lamentation  on  the  loss  of  a  beloved  "blackbird,"  or 
sailor,  or  shepherd,  etc. 

All  this  seems  to  substantiate  the  impression  that  the  broadside 
with  "The  favorite  song  of  the  Blackbird"  should  be  dated  away 
from  the  year  1813  rather  than  toward  it.  However,  one  part  is 
undeniable:  The  Blackbird  can  not  have  been  printed  together  with 
"The  Yankey's  return  from  Camp"  before  the  words  of  the  latter 
were  written. 

The  mysterious  F.  B.  N.  S.  wrote  in  1857  and  promised  to  prove 
in  a  book: 

The  verses  commencing  " Father  and  I  went  down  to  the  camp"  were  written 
by  a  gentleman  of  Connecticut  a  short  time  after  Gen.  Washington's  last  visit 
to  New  England  .... 

This  visit  occurred  in  the  fall  of  1789,  and  therewith  collapses  the 
statement  of  F.  B.  N.  S.  In  fact,  in  this  form  it  is  so  absurd  that 
one  is  almost  led  to  suspect  that  he  did  not  mean  exactly  what  he 
wrote.  The  absurdity  would  disappear  if  F.  B.  N.  S.,  either  not 
knowing  of  or  forgetting  Washington's  last  visit,  really  alluded  to 
his  forelast  visit.  This  would  carry  us  to  the  so-called  "Provincial 
Camp,"  Cambridge,  Mass.,  where  George  Washington  arrived  on 
July  2,  1 775,  after  his  appointment  as  commander  in  chief  of  the 
American  Army,  and  from  where  he  removed  headquarters  after  the 
evacuation  of  Boston  on  March  25,  1776.  Unfortunately  the  book 
of  ballads  in  which  F.  B.  N.  S.  promised  proof  of  his  statement  (see 
p.  100)  has  not  been  traced,  and  therefore  we  are  also  entirely  in  the  dark 
as  to  the  reasons  for  assigning  the  authorship  of  the  text  to  a  gentle- 
man of  Connecticut.  Nor  would  this  gentleman  be  without  a  com- 
petitor since  Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  when  printing  the  "  Yankey's 
Return"  in  his  "New  England  History  in  Ballads,"  1903,  remarked: 

An  autograph  note  of  Judge  Dawes,  of  the  Harvard  class  of  1777,  addressed  to 
my  father,  says  that  the  author  of  the  well-known  lines  was  Edward  Bangs, 
who  graduated  with  him. 

The  historian  would  have  preferred  to  see  the  autograph  note  of 
Judge  Dawes  printed  in  full,  as  in  this  form  it  merely  assigns  the 
poem  to  a  member  of  the  Harvard  class  of  1777  without  defining  the 


Ya nkee    Doodle.  141 

date  or  place  of  Edward  Bangs's  poetic  effusion.  According  to  Doctor 
Hale's  meager  information,  Edward  Bangs  might  have  written  the 
lines  any  year  between  the  time  he  was  able  to  mount  Pegasus  and 
1787,  when  part  of  the  text  was  quoted  in  "The  Contrast"  written 
as  Mr.  Matthews  suggestively  pointed  out  in  his  monograph  on 
"Uncle  Sam"  by  a  member  of  the  Harvard  class  of  1776.  In  this 
connection  it  is  also  suggestive  that  Bangs  had,  as  a  college  boy, 
joined  the  Middlesex  farmers  in  the  pursuit  of  April  19,  1775,  that 
Harvard  College  was  transferred  from  Cambridge  to  Concord  in 
September,  1775,  and  returned  to  Cambridge  in  1776.  On  the  other 
hand  there  appears  to  exist  no  evidence,  positive,  circumstantial,  or 
even  traditional,  that  the  words  of  the  "Yankey's  Return  from 
Camp"  were  written  or  known  before  the  war  for  independence,  that 
is,  before  1775. 

If  we  turn  to  the  text  itself,  it  clearly  reveals  an  American  origin. 
It  is  so  full  of  American  provincialisms,  slang  expressions  of  the  time, 
allusions  to  American  habits,  customs,  that  no  Englishman  could 
have  penned  these  verses.  Even  if  he  could  have  done  so,  he  would 
not  have  done  so,  because  his  poetic  efforts  in  this  form  would 
largely  have  been  a  puzzle  to  his  comrades.  Had  this  text  been  a 
British  production,  it  would  have  found  its  way  to  England,  which 
apparently  is  not  the  case.  To  be  a  British  satire  on  the  unmilitary 
appearance  of  provincial  American  troops,  as  has  been  said,  the 
verses  would  have  to  be  derisively  satirical,  which  they  are  not. 
They  breathe  good-natured  humor  and  they  deal  not  at  all  with  the 
uncouth  appearance  of  American  soldiery,  but  with  the  experience  of 
a  Yankee  greenhorn  in  matters  military  who  went  down  to  a  military 
camp  and  upon  his  return  narrates  in  his  own  naive  style  the  impres- 
sions made  on  him  by  all  the  wonderful  sights  of  military  pomp  and 
circumstance.  But  the  text  helps  us  beyond  proving  a  mere 
American  origin.  Our  Yankee  clearly  describes  not  an  imaginary 
camp,  but  a  particular  camp,  and  part  of  the  desired  effect  was 
calculated  by  the  author  from  personal  allusions:  Captain  Gooding, 
Squire  David,  Captain  Davis,  Captain  Washington.  These  names 
were  unmistakably  borrowed  from  life.  One  need  not  go  deeply  into 
the  military  records  of  the  several  States  to  find  captains  by  the 
name  of  Gooding  and  Davis.  A  perusal  of  Heitman's  "Historical 
Register  of  Officers  of  the  Continental  Army"  of  "Massachusetts 
Soldiers  and  the  Sailors  of  the  Revolutionary  War,"  etc.,  will  bear 
out  my  statement  abundantly,  indeed  confusingly.  At  any  rate, 
the  names  of  Gooding  and  Davis  can  not  be  used  against  the  present 
network  of  argument,  whereas  the  allusion  to  and  description  of  a 
"Captain  Washington  and  gentlefolks  about  him"  who  is  "grown  so 
tarnal  proud,  he  will  not  ride  without  'em,"  etc.,  as  a  bit  of  humor- 
ously twisted  characterization,  fits  none  so  well  as  George  Washington, 


142  Yankee   Doodle. 

commander  in  chief.  Without  tliis  'allusion  to  George  Washington, 
the  date  of  the  text  would  be  indefinite  within  certain  limits.  With 
this  allusion  the  conjecture  becomes  fairly  safe  that  the  text  of 
"  Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp"  originated  at  or  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  "Provincial  Camp,"  Cambridge,  Mass.,  in  1775  or  1776. 

This  becomes  an  unavoidable  conclusion,  as  much  as  anything  can 
be  conclusive  in  the  absence  of  documentary  evidence,  if  we  now  turn 
to  the  third  broadside.  (See  facsimile  PI.  XXIII.)  The  broadside 
is  adorned  by  a  crude  woodcut  of  five  soldiers,  which  suggests  mili- 
tary times,  but  more  suggestive  is  the  fact  that  the  title  reads:  "The 
Farmer  and  his  Son's  return  from  a  visit  to  the  Camp."  Not  a  camp, 
but  the  camp,  and  since  George  Washington  is  one  of  the  heroes  of  the 
text,  the  article  "the"  can  not  but  refer  to  the  provincial  camp.  The 
title  of  this  broadside  does  not  read  so  smooth  and  polished  as  that 
of  "the  Yankey's  return  from  Camp,"  and  for  this  reason,  if  for  no 
other,  we  may  conjecture  that  "The  Yankey's"  is  an  afterthought, 
not  of  the  author,  but  of  the  folk,  and  that  "  The  farmer  and  his  son's 
return,  etc.,"  antedates  any  version  headed  "The  Yankey's  return," 
indeed  that  the  latter  title  did  not  appear  in  print  before  the  New 
Englanders  had  proudly  adopted  for  use  amongst  themselves  this 
nickname  "Yankee."  Thus,  to  sum  up,  it  would  appear  that  the 
"  Yankee  Doodle"  text  "  Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp"  originated 
in  1775  or  1776,  and  that  we  have  in  this  particular  broadside  its  first 
and  original  edition  printed  presumably  shortly  after  it  had  been 
written.  Since  the  fifteen  stanzas  are  identical  in  the  three  earliest 
known  editions,  they  clearly  represent  an  accepted  form  of  the  text 
not  only,  but  a  form  attributable  to  a  single  author,  and  it  would 
really  seem  as  if  the  authorship  of  Edward  Bangs  in  1775  rather  than 
in  1776,  rests  on  something  more  than  tradition. 

An  investigation  of  the  "Yankee  Doodle"  text  would  not  be  com- 
plete without  a  brief  consideration  of  the  chorus  refrain.  Yet,  strange 
to  say,  this  appears  not  to  have  aroused  any  interest,  though  as  a 
matter  of  fact  the  refrain  may  hold  incidentally  the  key  to  the  whole 
problem  of  the  origin  of  the  tune.  As  time  went  by,  the  refrain  was 
altered  and  paraphrased  to  suit  the  merits  and  intentions  of  the  occa- 
sion, but  such  versions  are  of  no  account  historically  in  this  particular 
connection.  It  is  different,  of  course,  with  the  text  in  Farmer  & 
Moore  and  in  the  three  broadsides  analyzed  above.  No  refrain 
appears  in  Farmer  &  Moore,  but  the  three  broadsides  have: 

Yankev  doodle,  keep  it  up, 

Yankey  doodle  dandy, 
Mind  the  music  and  the  step, 

And  with  the  girls  be  handy. 

Though  conjectural  analysis  seems  to  force  us  to  date  the  "Yankee 
Doodle"  text  beginning  "Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp"  either 


Yankee    Doodle.  143 

1775  or  1776,  yet  this  is  after  all  a  conjecture  and  all  we  positively 
know  is  that  some  of  the  verses  appeared  in  print  as  early  as  1790  in 
Tyler's  "The  Contrast."  In  this  comedy,  however,  the  full  chorus 
refrain  is  not  given,  merely  "Yankee  doodle  do,  etc.,"  but  it  does 
appear  in  a  song  written  by  "A  Yankee"  in  commemoration  of  the 
adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  by  Massachusetts,  and  this  song 
was  reprinted  in  the  Independent  Chronicle,  Boston,  March  6,  1788, 
from  the  Pennsylvania  Mercury.  The  ballad  "Yankee  Doodle's 
Expedition  to  Rhode  Island  "  in  Rivington's  Royal  Gazette,  October 
3,  1778,  has  merely  "Yankee  Doodle,  etc." 

In  Dibdin's  "The  Return  of  Ulysses  to  Ithaca"  (1780),  1788,  and 
in  Andrew  Barton's  "The  Disappointment,"  1767,  we  have  "Yankee 
Doodle,  etc."  The  difference  between  these  sources  and  Tyler  is 
very  slight,  but  it  is  also  very  suggestive,  since  the  Dibdin  and  Barton 
refrain  may  have  had  the  full  text  as  given  above,  while  the  presence 
of  the  additional  do  in  the  Tyler  refrain  makes  the  use  of  this  text  at 
least  doubtful.  And  this  is  not  at  all  startling,  but  has  a  very  obvious 
explanation  if  one  reads  the  following  references,  some  of  which  I  owe 
to  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Matthews. 

There  appeared  in  the  Royal  Gazette,  November  27,  1779, 

A    NEW    SONG   TO   AN    OLD   TUNE. 

Written  by  a  Yankee,  and  sung  to  the  tune  of  Doodle-doo: 

The  Frenchman  came  upon  the  coast 
Our  great  allies,  and  they  did  boast 
They  soon  would  bang  the  British  host. 
Doodle,  Doodle-doo,  pa,  pa,  pa,  pa,  pa. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  is  a  British  satire,  not  really  a 
patriotic  Yankee  song.  Moving  backwards,  we  find  that  in  1772 
G.  A.  Stevens  included  in  his  "Songs,  Comic  and  Satyrical." 

DOODLE    DOO. 

Tune — Ev'ry  where  fine  ladies  flirting . 
Younglings  fond  of  Female  Chaces, 
Mount  of  Hopes  in  Wedlock's  Races, 
Some  for  Fortune,  some  for  Faces. 
Doodle,  Doodle,  Doo,  etc. 

The  same  refrain  was  used  in  "A  Royal  Love  Song,  1770,"  in 
"A  low  Song  upon  a  High  Subject,"  1769,  and  as  printed  in  the 
Gazetteer  and  New  Daily  Advertiser,  London,  January  6,  1776  for — 

A  new  Song,  entitled  and  called,  the  Best  exchange:  The  old  fumblers  for 
young  lovers.     To  the  tune  of  Doodle,  Doodle,  Doo. 

Still  earlier  we  have  in  the  St.  James  Chronicle,  February  3-5, 1763 : 

A  new  Song.    Sung  at  a  certain  Theatre  Royal  in  the  character  of  a  Frenchman. 
Tune — Doodle,  Doodle,  doo: 

See  me  just  arrived  from  France-e: 
All  de  vay  from  dere  I  dance-e, 
Vid  my  compliments  I  greet  ye; 
All  de  vile  I  mean  to  sheat  ye. 
Doodle,  etc. 


144  Ya nkee    Doodle. 

And  in  1762,  September  13  (reprinted  in  T.  Wright's  Caricature 
History  of  the  Georges,  1868) : 

THE  CONGRESS;  OR,  A  DEVICE  TO  LOWER  THE  LAND  TAX,  TO  THE  TUNE  or  DOODLE, 

DOODLE,   DO. 

Here  you  may  see  the  happy  Congress 
All  now  ia  done  with  such  a  ban-grace, 
No  English  wight  can  surely  grumble, 
Or  cry,  our  treaty-makers  fumble. 
Doodle,  doodle,  do.,  etc. 

The  "Caricature  History"  also  contains  "The  Motion"  (p.  128) 
among  verses  clearly  relating  to  the  Duke  of  Argyle  and  to  the 
year  1741,  this  one: 

Who  de  dat  de  box  to  sit  on? 
Tis  John,  the  hero  of  North  Briton, 
Who,  out  of  place,  does  place-men  spit  on, 
Doodle,  etc. 

We  are  carried  far  into  the  seventeenth  century  by  Edw.  Ravens- 
croft's  comedy  after  the  Italian  manner  "Scaramouch  a  philosopher, 
Harlequin  a  School-boy,"  1677.  In  the  fifth  act,  first  scene  Harlequin 
sings  "ridiculously"  "Tricola,  tracola"  mixed  with  "Doodle-doodle- 
doo,"  and  "Toodle-doodle-doo." 

In  "the  Witch  of  Edmonston"  by  William  Rowley,  Thomas  Dek- 
ker,  John  Ford,  etc.,  1658,  Act  IV,  scene  1,  occurs  this  interesting 
passage : 

Enter  Anne  Ratcliff  mad. 

Rate.  Oh  my  Ribs  are  made  of  a  payned  Hose,  and  they  break.  There's  a 
Lancashire  hornpipe  in  my  throat:  hark  how  it  tickles  it,  with  Doodle,  Doodle, 
Doodle,  Doodle. 

And  finally  in  Middleton's  &  Rowley's  "The  Spanish  Gipsy,"  1653 
(acted  1623  or  1624),  Sancho  sings  a  line  with  Doodle-doo. 

What  do  these  references  prove?  First,  that  a  chorus  refrain  with 
"Doodle-doodle,  do"  existed  as  early  as  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century.  In  America  the  word  "Yankee"  was  grafted  on  to  this  not 
later  than  1767  (Barton's  Disappointment),  and  the  form  of  "Yankee 
Doodle  do"  was  used  as  late  as  1787  or  1790  (Tyler's  Contrast).  If 
the  internal  and  other  evidence  submitted  led  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  "Father  and  I"  text  originated  1775  or  1776,  then  the  conjecture 
is  fairly  safe  that  the  refrain  "Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up"  is  of  the 
same  date.  This  conclusion  in  turn  would  lead  to  the  other  that  in 
Barton's ' '  Disappointment "  the  older  refrain  ' '  Yankee  Doodle-doodle 
do"  was  used.  But  the  references  would  appear  to  establish  a  very 
much  more  important  point,  namely,  the  existence  of  a  tune  called 
"Doodle,  doodle,  do"  certainly  as  early  as  1762  and  probably  as  early 
as  the  seventeenth  century.  Indeed,  we  are  almost  compelled  to 
assume  that  this  tune  was  known  as  a  Lancashire  hornpipe  as  early 


Yankee    Doodle.  145 

as  1658.  Since  the  texts  mentioned  lend  themselves  more  or  less 
smoothly  to  our  "Yankee  Doodle"  melody,  the  latter  may  be  sus- 
pected to  be  identical  with  the  "Doodle,  doo"  tune,  but  it  would  not 
necessarily  follow  that  words  were  sung  to  it  except  as  chorus  refrain. 
In  1772  Stevens'  "Doodle  Doo"  was  to  be  sung  to  the  tune  of  "Ev'ry 
where  fine  ladies  flirting."  I  have  not  yet  traced  a  song  with  these 
first  words,  but  it  will  be  noticed  that  they  lend  themselves  smoothly 
to  the  "Yankee  Doodle"  melody.  This  suggests  the  query:  Were 
these  perhaps  the  original  words  that  went  with  the  melody  or  were 
they  grafted  on  the  melody  later,  or  do  they,  after  all,  represent  a  dif- 
ferent melody?  I  am  not  in  a  position  to  give  any  answer  to  these 
questions  which  might  solve  the  problem  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  a 
manner  heretofore  hardly  suspected.  However,  the  existence  of  a 
"Doodle,  doo"  air  before  1750  and  possibly  identical  with  the 
"Yankee  Doodle"  air  has  become  so  probable  that  this  probability 
obliges  the  historian  to  move  with  caution  and  skepticism  when 
examining  the  theories  of  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  not  yet 
analyzed,  namely,  the  Doctor  Shuckburgh  theory  in  Farmer  and 
Moore's  Collections,  1824,  and  the  "All  the  way  to  Galway"  theory 
of  Mr.  Grattan  Flood,  1905.° 

a  This  book  was  in  proof  sheets  when  at  last  Mr.  Frank  Kidson,  having  at  first  almost 
denied  the  existence  of  such  a  tune,  was  able  to  send  the  author  the  following  under 
date  of  Leeds,  May  11,  1909: 

["  Doodle  Doo.    No.  175,  p.  88,  Wright's  200  Choice  Country  Dances,  vol.  2d,  ca.  1750.] 


In  explanation  Mr.  Kidson,  to  whom  again  thanks  are  due  for  his  professional 
courtesy,  writes: 

"I  have  great  pleasure  in  sending  you  the  Doodle  Doo  which  you  will  see  prac- 
tically fits  the  words  given  in  G.  A.  Steven's  "Songs  Comic  and  Satyrical," 
Oxford,  1772,  p.  134,  song  72. 

I  have  copied  the  tune  from  a  country  dance  book  without  title,  but  which  I 
know  for  a  certainty  to  be  the  second  volume  of  Wright's  200  Country  Dances, 
a  later  edition  issued  by  John  Johnson  of  Cheapside  about  1750.  Particulars  are 
given  in  my  British  Music  Publishers.  .  .  Dan  Wright  first  issued  his  two 
volumes,  and  then  Johnson  continued  with  his  3,  4,  5,  &  6th,  reprinting  the  1st 
and  2d  from  his  old  plates  with  new  plates  substituted  for  certain  cases.  The 

85480—09 10 


146  Ya nkee   Doodle . 

The  latter  does  not  call  for  a  lengthy  discussion,  as  the  supposedly 
Irish  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  (see  p.  106)  is  based  simply  on 
two  assertions:  First,  that  its  structure  is  "decidedly  Irish;"  second, 
that  it  is  identical  with  the  Irish  tune  of  "All  the  way  to  Galway" 
as  it  appears  in  a  manuscript  dated  1750,  the  authority  of  which 
Mr.  Grattan  Flood  says  to  be  beyond  question. 

Since  the  structure  of  the  melody  has  been  claimed  with  equal 
enthusiasm  as  decidedly  Hessian,  Hungarian,  Scotch,  English,  etc. — 
indeed,  in  his  letter  quoted  above,  Mr.  D.  F.  Scheurleer  called  my 
attention  to  the  similarity  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  with  the  tunes  of 
the  itinerant  Savoyards — Mr.  Grattan  Flood's  manifestly  sincere 
assertion  can  not  be  accepted  without  very  careful  proof  as  "intrinsic 
evidence."  Mr.  Grattan  Flood's  other  assertion  is  somewhat 
strengthened  by  facts  not  mentioned  in  his  interesting  article.  It 
appears  from  Sargent's  "History  of  an  expedition  against  Fort  Du 
Quesne  in  1755"  (Philadelphia,  1855)  that  when  Braddock's  ill-fated 
campaign  was  being  prepared  drafts  were  made  in  Ireland  "from 
the  second  battalion  of  the  Royals,  at  Galway,"  besides  from  other 
Irish  regiments.  Furthermore,  the  "Orders  for  Foreign  Service/' 
quoted  in  Knox's  "Historical  Journal  of  the  Campaignes  in  North 
America  for  the  years  1757,  1758,  1759  and  1760,"  leave  no  doubt 
that  Major-General  Kennedy's  regiment  stationed  at  Galway,  the 
Fifty-fifth  Regiment  stationed  at  Galway  and  two  other  Irish  regi- 
ments, the  First  or  Royal  Regiment  of  Foot  and  the  Seventeenth 
Regiment  of  Foot,  received  marching  orders  in  February.  In  this 
connection  it  is  also  noteworthy  that  in  1758  the  Fifty-fifth  Regiment 
participated  in  General  Abercrombie's  unlucky  Lake  expedition 
(Ticonderoga!),  the  First  and  the  Seventeenth  regiments  in  General 
Amherst's  siege  of  Louisburgh,  whereas  Kennedy's  Forty-third  Regi- 
ment all  through  1758  was  condemned  to  idleness  in  Xova  Scotia. 
However  these  facts  may  fit  into  the  historical  argument,  it  is  known 
that  of  the  8,000  regulars  voted  by  Parliament  in  1757  for  reenforce- 

old  plates  have  the  moons  and  half  moons  (as  in  the  Dancing  master),  but  the 
new  plates  have  them  not.    Doodle  Doo  is  from  a  new  plate  issued  about  1750  .  .  . 
I  have  some  startling  theories  about  Yankee  Doodle  name  and  tune,  and  one 
is  that  the  first  part  is  older  than  the  2d  part.  .  .  " 

It  is  clear  that  our  Yankee  Doodle  and  this  Doodle  Doo  are  not  identical  or  even 
similar  and  that  the  several  Yankee  Doodle  texts  can  not  have  been  sung  to  this 
Doodle  Doo.  It  is  equally  clear  that  the  Doodle  Doo  texts  quoted  on  p.  143  fit  our 
Yankee  Doodle  well,  but  this  Doodle  Doo  very  poorly,  if  at  all.  Here,  then,  is  a 
new  puzzle  and  a  new  obstacle  in  the  path  that  seemed  to  lead  easily  out  of  the  whole 
Yankee  Doodle  labyrinth.  Personally,  I  still  adhere  to  the  belief  that  there  must 
have  been  kinship  between  Yankee  Doodle  and  Doodle  Doo,  and  I  am  keenly 
interested  in  Mr.  Kidson's  startling  theories  in  the  desperate  hope  that  he  at  last 
may  be  able  to  give  a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  Yankee  Doodle  puzzle. 


Ya nkee    Doodle. 


147 


merits,  fully  one-half  were  Irish.  If  then  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  of 
Irish  origin  and  identical  with  "All  the  way  to  Galway,"  it  is  clear 
how  this  influx  of  Irish  soldiers  may  have  helped  to  spread  the  air 
in  America,  even  had  it  not  been  known  previously  to  the  Irish 
then  settled  in  America.  But,  has  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  succeeded  in 
proving  the  identity,  without  which  his  theory  of  the  Irish  origin, 
of  course,  collapses?  On  pages  123-125  of  this  report  some  of  the 
early  printed  and  manuscript  versions  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  are 
quoted,  and  here  are  two  versions  of  "All  the  way  to  Galway"  as 
given  by  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  in  his  article : 


ALL,  THE  WAY  TO  GALWAY 


Ms.  1750 


ALL  THE  WAY  TO  GALWAY 


1± — •— 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 I 1 1 !-••—• 1 1 1 


To  these  may  be  added  for  more  comprehensive  comparison  a 
manuscript  version  (ca.  1820)  in  possession  of  Mr.  Frank  Kidson: 


and  the  version  in  Capt.  Francis  O'Neill's  "Dance  Music  of  Ireland" 
(Chicago,  1907,  p.  172) : 


148  Yankee    Doodle. 

If  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  says  that  the  C  natural  in  the  first  half  of 
"All  the  way  to  Gal  way/'  the  so-called  flat  seventh,  is  unmistakably 
Irish,  then  the  first  half  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  just  as  unmistakably 
not  Irish.  Though  the  eye  may  detect  a  similarity  between  the  two 
first  parts,  to  the  musical  ear  they  sound  fundamentally  unlike. 
Only  the  first,  third,  and  fifth  bars  of  the  eight  in  the  1750  version 
of  "All  the  way  to  Galway"  could  possibly  be  pressed  into  service 
for  Mr.  Grattan  Flood's  theory,  which  he  bases,  it  should  be  kept  in 
mind,  on  a  comparison  between  Aird's  "Yankee  Doodle"  of  1782  and 
a  1750  manuscript  version  of  "All  the  way  to  Galway."  This  com- 
parison becomes  still  more  futile  if  the  two  second  halves  be  con- 
trasted. Only  one  bar,  the  last,  is  identical,  and  that  bar,  I  trust, 
may  be  found  in  a  million  compositions.  How  weak  the  whole  theory 
is  appears  convincingly  if  we  figuratively  try  to  cover  one  tune  with 
the  other  and  apply  the  numerical  test  of  identity:  "All  the  way  to 
Galway"  has  57  notes,  "Yankee  Doodle"  52.  Only  18  notes  are 
identical! 

It  is  easily  seen  how  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  came  to  embrace  the  Irish 
theory.  There  is  an  obvious  wholesale  similarity  in  melodic  structure, 
if  considerations  of  key  be  discarded,  between  the  secong  halves  of  the 
earliest  "All  the  way  to  Galway"  and  some  of  the  "Yankee  Doodle" 
versions — for  instance,  those  of  Willig  (p.  122)  and  Sousa  (p.  123). 
Approximate  similarity,  not  approximate  identity!  This  similarity 
in  melodic  patterns  belongs  to  the  chapter  on  "Thematic  coincidences 
and  common  property"  in  the  history  of  music.  It  is  a  fascinating  but 
wholly  unreliable  and  dangerous  chapter.  In  the  case  of  "Yankee 
Doodle"  the  wholesale  similarity,  as  it  was  called  above,  may  be 
admitted,  but  the  moment  deductions  of  identity  are  to  be  drawn 
from  this  similarity  we  are  perfectly  justified  in  claiming  an  equal 
share  of  similarity  between  "Yankee  Doodle"  and  the  Scotch  air 
"Will  ye  go  to  Sheriff  muir"  as  given,  for  instance,  in  Hogg's  "Jacob- 
ite Relics"  (1819,  V.  I,  p.  149): 

r. '    &    c T   e    r~^~  e    r    i  r T  _r~  f  *   r  ~>  •   r    r    1 

vp    \*       s> \*       b — ^       b      \       I    I     "4      U       E-=r-     f    •  '        ' 


-?  rTTTr  J  e  •  J  E  •  J  r  I  J-  Je  *  J  j 

^    ir  .  I  U     w   U          U          I      \— —     U     ^^ 


? 


Ya nkee    Doodle 
or,  as  in  Gow's  Third  Repository  (ca.  1806) : 


149 


This  version  I  owe  to  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Frank  Kidson,  as  also 
the  much  more  important  information  that  the  "Sheriff  Muir"  air 
appears  in  Oswald's  "Caledonian  Pocket  Companion"  (Book  6,  circa 
1750-1760).  Without  this  discovery  it  would  merely  be  possible  to 
state  that  the  text  of  the  air  appears  in  Semple's  "Poems  and  Songs 
of  Robert  Tannahill"  (1876),  among  the  "Unedited  and  unpublished 
pieces"  (p.  354)  of  the  poet  (1774-1810),  as  doubtful,  and  that  Hogg 
says  "The  air  has  long  been  popular."  With  Mr.  Kidson's  find,  we 
would  be  able  to  offset  the  Irish  claim  for  "All  the  Way  to  Galway" 
by  a  Scotch  claim  for  "Will  ye  go  to  Sheriff  Muir,"  since  the  proximity 
of  the  dates  of  first  known  appearance  of  both  tunes  would  forbid  to 
derive  for  the  sake  of  argument  "Will  ye  go  to  Sheriff  Muir"  and  thus 
again  incidentally  "Yankee  Doodle"  from  "All  the  Way  to  Galway." 
Should  it  be  insisted  that  the  Irish  tune  dates  "from  about  the  first 
quarter  of  the  18th  century,"  as  Mr.  Grattan  Flood  suspects  under 
date  of  July  23,  1908,  equal  emphasis  might  be  laid  on  the  probability 
that  Oswald  did  not  print  a  new  tune,  but  a  popular,  that  is,  a  fairly 
old  one,  and  that  there  might  be  some  connection  between  it  and  the 
battle  of  Sheriffmuir,  1715. 

The  probabilities  are  that  neither  "All  the  Way  to  Galway"  nor 
"Will  ye  go  Sheriffmuir"  contributed  anything  to  "Yankee  Doodle." 
On  the  other  hand,  if  mere  similarity  is  to  decide  the  origin  of  "  Yankee 
Doodle,"  and  if  the  latter' s  hypothetical  prototype,  the  tune  "Doodle, 
doodle,  doo"  (or  perhaps  "Everywhere  fine  ladies  flirting")  should  be 
found  to  antedate  "All  the  Way  to  Galway,"  what  would  prevent  the 
argument  that  "All  the  Way  to  Galway"  borrowed  its  better  half 
from  "  Yankee  Doodle  "  instead  of  vice  versa?  However,  not  to  let  my 
personal  opinion  enter  too  much  into  this  report,  it  should  be  noted 
that  Mr.  Grattan  Flood's  theory  is  by  no  means  accepted  by  other 
eminent  authorities.  For  instance,  Mr.  Frank  Kidson  wrote  me 
under  date  of  August  12,  1908,  this  sweeping  statement: 

"All  the  Way  to  Galway' '  is  not  really  like  Yankee  Doodle,  and  cannot  be  proved 
to  be  earlier  in  date  even  if  it  was  like  it. 


150  Ya nkee   Doodle. 

And  Captain  Francis  O'Neill  under  date  of  July  14,  1908,  wrote: 

I  agree  with  you  in  noting  the  dissimilarity  of  the  first  parts  of  the  tunea  under 
consideration,  the  style  and  composition  of  first  part  of  Yankee  Doodle  is  more 
modern.  I  must  admit,  no  Irish  tune,  March  or  Air  that  I  can  remember,  unmis- 
takably resembles  the  first  part  of  Yankee  Doodle  and  I  have  an  excellent  memory 
in  such  matters. 

The  substance  of  the  rather  novelistic  account  (see  pp.  96-97) 
which  under  the  title  of  "Origin  of  Yankee  Doodle"  appeared  in 
Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections,  1824,  is,  to  recapitulate,  this: 

In  1755  Doctor  Shackburgf!],  a  physician  attached  to  the  staff  of 
General  Abercrombie's  army,  encamped  a  little  south  of  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  on  the  ground  "now"  belonging  to  John  I.  Van  Rensselaer, 
esq.,  "to  please  brother  Jonathan  composed  a  tune"  and  with  much 
gravity  recommended  it  to  the  officers  as  one  of  the  most  celebrated  airs 
of  martial  music.  The  provincial  troops,  whose  march,  accoutre- 
ments, arrangement,  the  narrator  with  great  glee  compares  to  that 
of  Sir  John  Falstaff's  ragged  regiment,  took  the  bait,  and  in  a  few  days 
nothing  was  heard  in  the  provincial  camp  but  the  air  of  Yankee 
Doodle. 

By  utilizing  the  data  printed  in  the  "Historical  Magazine,"  in 
O'Callaghan's  New  York  Colonial  Documents,  in  the  "Collections  of 
the  New  York  Historical  Society,"  in  the  old  British  Army  Lists,  and 
combining  them  with  the  information  contained  in  transcripts  for  the 
Library  of  Congress  from  the  "Sir  William  Johnson  Manuscripts  of 
Letters,  and  passages  relating  to  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh,  1745-1773," 
his  life  may  be  traced  with  sufficient  clearness  for  the  present  purpose. 

It  is  a  curious  coincidence  that  two  Richard  Shuckburghs  appear 
about  this  time  in  the  British  army  lists,  but  the  Richard  Shuckburgh 
whose  commission  in  the  army  dates  from  March  18,  1755,  who  in 
December  of  the  same  year  became  a  lieutenant  in  the  First  Regi- 
ment of  Foot  Guards,  and  in  1768  a  captain,  can  not  possibly  be 
connected  with  "Yankee  Doodle"  in  preference  to  the  Dr.  Richard 
Shuckburgh  for  the  simple  reason  that  this  regiment,  since  1815 
commonly  known  as  the  Grenadier  Guards,  did  not  come  to  America 
before  1776.  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
prospecting  with  a  Captain  Borrow  as  early  as  1 735  on  the  Delaware, 
and  he  held  a  commission  as  surgeon  in  the  "Four  Independent 
Companies  of  Foot  at  New  York"  since  June  25,  1737.  About  1748 
Doctor  Shuckburgh  began  to  take  a  lively  interest  in  the  Indians, 
and  as  early  as  1751  he  speaks  of  his  ambition  to  become  secretary 
of  indian  affairs  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  whom  he  was  on 
terms  of  friendship.  When  this  position  became  vacant  through 
the  death  of  Captain  Wraxall  in  July,  1759,  Sir  William  immediately 
appointed  Dr.  Shuckburgh  to  this  office  for  which  he  appears  to  have 


Yankee    Doodle.  151 

been  eminently  qualified,  having  in  the  words  of  Sir  William  John- 
son, March  24,  1760,  "recorded  all  my  proceedings  with  the  several 
nations  of  Indians  since  the  opening  of  the  last  campaign,"  1759. 
Unfortunately  Sir  William  delayed  the  report  of  his  action  and 
recommendation  to  the  board  of  trade.  Consequently,  when  his 
letter  finally  reached  London,  a  Mr.  Marsh,  in  1761,  had  already  been 
selected  as  Wraxall's  successor.  If  it  was  bad  enough  for  Shuck- 
burgh  to  be  "elbowed  out"  of  a  position,  as  he  put  it,  it  was  more 
unfortunate  that  the  rules  forbade  him  to  hold  two  offices.  In  the 
firm  expectation  that  his  secretaryship  would  become  permanent, 
he  had  in  1761  resigned  his  commission  as  surgeon  in  the  Independent 
Companies,  and  of  course  now  found  himself  without  any  position. 
His  disappointment  at  these  developments  gives  the  keynote  to 
his  correspondence  of  the  next  few  years,  though  on  January  10, 
1763,  he  is  able  to  send  Sir  William  the  good  news: 

I  have  compleated  my  Purchase  with  the  Surgeon  of  the  17th  Regt.  and  received 
my  Commission  from  the  General  the  29th  ult. 

These  facts  explain  why  Shuckburgh  suddenly  disappears  from 
the  British  army  lists  (carefully  extracted  for  me  by  Mr.  Lydenburg 
of  the  N.  Y.  Public  Library),  and  just  as  suddenly  reappears  in  1764 
as  surgeon  of  the  Seventeenth  Regiment  of  Foot,  stationed  since  1758 
in  America.  The  most  miserable  year  of  his  life  Shuckburgh  spent 
in  1765  at  the  military  post  of  Detroit,  separated  for  a  full  year  from 
his  family  and  for  six  months  shut  off  from  all  communication. 
When  he  returned  to  New  York  at  the  end  of  1765,  the  military 
service  had  lost  its  attraction  for  him,  and  he  probably  did  not  view 
the  death  of  Mr.  Marsh  in  the  same  year  with  much  regret,  since 
now  the  secretaryship  of  Indian  affairs  was  again  within  reach.  Sir 
William  Johnson  lost  no  time  in  repeating  his  former  recommenda- 
tion, but  not  until  1767  did  Shuckburgh  receive  the  place.  This 
appointment  explains  why  not  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh,  but  a 
Thomas  White,  appears  as  surgeon  in  the  17th  regiment  from  May 
9,  1768,  on. 

Shuckburgh  was  not  to  enjoy  his  new  office  for  many  years.  On 
December  26,  1772,  Sir  William  Johnson  wrote  of  him  to  the  Earl 
of  Dartmouth  as  "aged  and  of  late  very  infirm,"  and  on  August 
26,  1773,  the  New  York  Gazetter  printed  this  obituary  notice: 

Died,  at  Schenectady,  last  Monday,  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh,  a  gentleman  of 
very  genteel  family,  and  of  infinite  jest  and  humour. 

Sir  William  Johnson  was  greatly  shocked  by  this  news,  and  from 
Johnson  Hall,  September  30,  1773,  wrote  to  Mrs.  Shuckburgh  to 
assure  her  of  his  concern  at  her  loss  and  of  his  great  friendship  for 
her  husband.  That  he  should,  in  the  same  letter,  have  called  her 


152  Yankee   Doodle. 

attention  to  the  fact  that  her  husband  had  borrowed  $100  from  him 
shortly  before  his  death  was  at  least  not  tactful,  and  the  fact  is 
mentioned  here  merely  to  show  that  Shuckburgh,  though  quite  a 
property  holder  in  the  colony,  was  frequently  in  financial  trouble. 
However,  he  had  at  least  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  daughter  well 
married  to  a  British  officer. 

The  obituary  notice  mentions  Shuckburgh's  "infinite  jest  and 
humour."  His  correspondence  with  Sir  William  Johnson  would  not 
permit  this  inference.  It  is  of  a  serious  turn  and  mainly  expressive 
of  his  disappointment  at  not  having  received  the  secretaryship  of 
Indian  affairs.  Yet  one  or  two  letters  contain  a  few  humorous 
remarks,  and  that  Shuckburgh  was  conscious  of  his  humorous  talents 
appears  from  a  letter  to  Sir  William  Johnson  under  date  of  April  18, 
1763: 

I  am  apt  to  say  somewhat  like  Scarron,  when  he  was  dying,  that  I  may  have 
made  more  People  laugh  in  my  lifetime  in  this  World  of  America  than  will  cry  at 
my  departure  out  of  it  ... 

When  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh  was  born  I  am  unable  to  tell,  but 
it  is  fairly  safe  to  conjecture  that  he  was  born  in  England  about  1705. 
That  Shuckburgh  is  a  well-known  Warwickshire  name  would  not  be 
conclusive,  since  there  exist  also  Shuckburghs  from  Limerick, 
Ireland,  but  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  1752,  made  some  complimentary 
remarks  to  "Mr.  Shuckburgh,  stationer,  in  London,"  about  his 
brother,  the  doctor.  The  latter,  in  one  of  his  letters,  speaks  about 
his  friends  in  England,  and,  indeed,  in  1767  spends  a  few  months  in 
London.  In  view  of  this  circumstantial  evidence,  O'Callaghan'a 
statement  in  his  New  York  Colonial  Documents  (vol.  8,  p.  244, 
footnote)  that  Shuckburgh  was  of  German  origin  may  safely  be  said 
to  be  incorrect. 

Farmer  and  Moore  reprinted  their  article  on  the  origin  of  Yankee 
Doodle  from  "  an  old  file  of  the  Albany  Statesman,  edited  by  N.  H. 
Carter,  Esq."  Such  a  paper  never  existed.  The  facts  are  these: 
The  "Albany  Register"  ran  from  1788  to  1819,  or  the  first  months 
of  1820.  In  1819,  Nathaniel  Hazeltine  Carter  had  become  the  editor, 
and  he  became  the  sole  proprietor  of  the  Albany  Register  early  in 
1820.  He  changed  its  name  into  the  New  York  Statesman  for 
reasons  given  in  the  first  issue,  May  16,  1820.  Since  the  New  York 
Statesman  was  practically  a  continuation  of  the  Albany  Register 
some  people,  exactly  as  happens  to-day  in  libraries  in  similar  cases, 
would  carelessly  speak  of  the  Albany  Statesman,  meaning  either  the 
Albany  Register  or  the  New  York  Statesman  (printed  at  Albany). 
Farmer  and  Moore  took  their  article  from  an  old  file  of  the  "Albany 
Statesman, ' '  and  the  word  old  would  suggest  the  Albany  Register  rather 
than  the  New  York  Statesman.  The  same  account,  as  Mr.  Matthews 


Yankee    Doodle.  153 

discovered,  appeared  in  H.Niles's"  Principles  and  Acts  of  the  Revolu- 
tion in  America"  (1822,  p.  372),  and  there,  too,  the  article  was 
attributed  to  the  "Albany  Statesman."  This  would  prove  nothing, 
since  the  incorrect  term  "Albany  Statesman"  might  have  been 
the  current  one  for  the  then  defunct  Albany  Register,  but  in  Niles's 
Register,  November  11,  1826,  the  same  story  is  actually  attributed  to 
the  New  York  Statesman.  This  would  suggest  the  inference  that 
the  story  was  printed  at  Albany  in  the  New  York  Statesman  between 
1820  and  1822,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  copy  at  the  Library  of 
Congress  proves  that  the  paper  was  not  published  between  May, 
1820,  and  end  of  November,  1821,  and  by  1822  the  offices  of  the 
New  York  Statesman  had  been  removed  to  New  York  City.  There- 
fore, we  have  every  reason  to  prefer  the  older  Albany  Register  as 
source  of  the  story.  So  did  Mary  L.  D.  Ferris  in  her  article 
on  "Our  National  Songs,"  New  England  Magazine,  1890  (vol  2, 
p.  483),  but  her  statement  that  N.  H.  Carter  himself  wrote  the 
article  in  1797  for  the  "Albany  Statesman"  is  woefully  absurd,  since 
Carter  (1787-1830!)  was  then  only  10  years  of  age.  Furthermore, 
Mr.  Frank  L.  Tolman,  the  reference  librarian  of  the  New  York  State 
Library,  had  the  Albany  Register  for  1797  examined  and  reexamined 
for  me  without  finding  any  article  on  the  origin  of  Yankee  Doodle. 
Finally,  internal  evidence  absolutely  forbids  to  date  the  article  in 
question  so  early,  because  the  author  of  the  article  distinctly  writes 
of  a  "lapse  of  sixty  years"  since  1755,  which  would  fix  the  date  of 
publication  of  the  article  about  1815,  and  incidentally  its  source  as 
the  Albany  Register.  At  any  rate,  two  generations  had  passed 
before  the  tradition  that  Doctor  Shuckburgh  "composed  the  tune" 
of  "Yankee  Doodle"  found  its  way  into  print.  If  such  a  tradition 
is  to  be  accepted  as  history,  its  details  must  be  above  suspicion. 
The  practical  joke  of  composing  a  tune  and  then  recommending  it 
gravely  as  one  of  the  most  celebrated  martial  airs  is  at  least  plausible, 
since  even  great  composers — for  instance,  Hector  Berlioz — are  known 
to  have  played  such  jokes  on  the  unsuspecting.  It  is  not  plausible, 
however,  that  Shuckburgh  would  have  blunted  the  point  of  his  joke 
by  calling  the  tune  "Yankee  Doodle."  This  name  it  can  only  have 
received  after  the  novelty  of  the  subterfuge  had  worn  off,  and  the 
puzzle  is,  why  just  "Yankee  Doodle?"  Such  impossibilities  in  the 
story,  as  General  Amhert's  presence  at  Albany  in  1755  instead  of  1758, 
may  be  here  disregarded  as  pardonable  historical  inaccuracies,  but  the 
sine  gua  non  is  the  presence  of  Dr.  Richard  Shuckburgh  at  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  in  the  summer  of  1755  on  the  Van  Rensselaer  estate.  Now,  it 
is  a  matter  of  history  that  in  that  year  Doctor  Shuckburgh  was  surgeon 
in  the  "Four  Independent  Companies  of  Foot"  at  New  York,  and  it 
is  also  a  matter  of  easily  verified  history  (see  f.  i.,  Sargent's  "History 


154  Yankee    Doodle. 

of  an  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne,"  Philadelphia,  1855)  that  at 
least  two  of  these  companies  were  ordered  by  Governor  Dinwiddie  in 
1754  from  New  York  to  garrison  the  fort  at  Wills  Creek,  Va.,  where 
they  still  were  in  1755,  and  exactly  these  troops  George  Washington 
had  been  so  anxiously  expecting.  When  the  preparations  for  General 
Braddock's  ill-fated  expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne  had  been  com- 
pleted, these  companies,  and  more  specifically  Capt.  Horatio  Gates's 
company,  to  which  Shuckburgh  was  attached  as  surgeon,  participated 
in  the  campaign,  and  after  Braddock's  famous  defeat,  July  9,  1755, 
did  not  until  well  into  October,  1755,  reach  the  vicinity  of  Albany  on 
their  retreat.  Now,  it  is  of  course  possible  that  Shuckburgh  was 
detailed  to  Albany  and  that  only  Alexander  Colhoun,  the  other  sur- 
geon of  the  independents,  was  in  the  wilderness  of  Virginia  in  1755, 
hundreds  of  miles  away  from  Albany,  but  this  possibility  is  far- 
fetched, and  the  burden  of  proof  is  on  him  who  asserts  Doctor  Shuck- 
burgh to  have  been  at  Albany  in  the  summer  of  1755.  It  may  be  well 
to  add  here  that  the  only  positive  reference  to  Shuckburgh's  where- 
abouts in  1755  is  contained  in  one  of  his  letters  written  from  New 
York  on  November  27,  1755,  to  Sir  William  Johnson  about  the  critical 
condition  of  Baron  Dieskau,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  Johnson 
at  the  battle  of  Lake  George. 

Doctor  Shuckburgh's  case  as  composer  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  at 
Albany,  N.  Y.,  in  the  summer  of  1755  is  further  weakened  by  the 
tradition  in  the  very  family  on  whose  estate  he  is  reported  to  have 
exercised  his  musical  imagination.  A  granddaughter  of  Gen.  Robert 
Van  Rensselaer  wrote  to  Mr.  Albert  Matthews  (see  Elson's  National 
Music  of  America,  p.  140): 

The  etory  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  is  an  authentic  tradition  in  my  family.  My 
grandfather,  Brig.  Gen.  Robert  Van  Rensselaer,  born  in  the  Green  Bush  Manor 
House,  was  a  boy  of  seventeen  at  the  time  when  Doctor  Shackbergh,  the  writer  oj 
the  verses,  and  General  Abercrombie  were  guests  of  his  father,  Col.  Johannes  Van 
Rensselaer,  in  June  1758. 

We  have  a  picture  of  the  old  well,  with  the  high  stone  curb  and  well-sweep, 
which  has  always  been  associated  with  the  lines  written  while  the  British  surgeon 
sat  upon  the  curb  .  .  . 

The  contradiction  between  this  tradition,  which  leaves  us  in  the 
dark  as  to  which  verses  are  meant,  and  the  account  in  Farmer  & 
Moore  is  striking,  and  the  confusion  increases  by  a  quotation  of 
what  a  J.  F.  said  in  a  note  on  Mrs.  Volkert  P.  Douw  in  the  Magazine 
of  American  History,  1884,  v.  11,  p.  176: 

...  It  was  on  the  farm  of  the  Douw  family  that  the  English  army,  and  the  six- 
teen Colonial  regiments,  were  encamped  in  1755,  under  General  Abercrombie, 
previous  to  the  attack  on  Fort  Ticonderoga  in  the  French  and  Indian  war.  And 
it  was  at  this  historical  spot  where  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  composed  by  Dr. 
Shackleferd,  and  sung  in  derision  of  the  four  Connecticut  regiments,  under  the 
command  of  Col.  Thomas  Fitch,  of  Connecticut  .  .  . 


Yankee    Doodle.  155 

This  belated  tradition  has  been  quoted  merely  as  a  matter  of  rec- 
ord. It  is  clumsily  incorrect,  because  General  Abercrombie's  ill- 
advised  attack  on  Fort  Ticonderoga  did  not  take  place  until  1758, 
because  the  general  did  not  set  foot  on  American  soil  until  1756, 
etc.,  etc.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Van  Rensselaer  tradition  deserves 
serious  attention,  as  General  Abercrombie  actually  was  at  and  near 
Albany  in  1758  supervising  the  preparations  for  the  attack  on  Fort 
Ticonderoga,  as  Doctor  Shuckburgh  had  no  known  reason  for  being 
hundreds  of  miles  away  from  Albany,  and  as  it  is  much  more  plausible 
that  a  witty  army  surgeon  from  New  York  should  have  written 
humorous  "Yankee  Doodle"  verses  to  an  existing  familiar  and  there- 
fore effective  tune,  than  to  have  composed  such  a  tune  himself. 

Should  the  music  of  the  old  English  tune  "Doodle,  doodle,  doo" 
be  discovered  and  found  to  be  identical  with  our  "Yankee  Doodle," 
we  might  conjecture  that  the  old  tune,  like  so  many  other  old  English 
tunes,  was  well  known  in  the  colonies,  and  we  might  then  feel  inclined 
not  to  doubt  the  Van  Rensselaer  tradition  that  Dr.  Richard  Shuck- 
burgh,  in  June,  1758,  used  this  tune  as  an  understructure  for  a  humor- 
ous ballad  on  the  Yankees.  But  the  main  problem  would  still  remain 
unsolved,  What  verses  did  he  write?  Certainly  not  the  verses, 
"Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp,"  certainly  not  the  "Yankee 
Doodle  came  to  town"  verses  with  "Macaroni,"  "Madam  Hancock," 
"John  Hancock,"  certainly  not  any  verses  that  allude  to  General 
Amherst's  victory  at  Cape  Breton  on  July  26,  1758,  certainly  not  the 
"Doctor  Warren"  verse,  and  most  assuredly  not  any  verse  full  of 
insulting  ill-humored  satire  against  Americans  or  even  New  England- 
ers,  since  he  would  have  a  difficult  task  indeed  who  attempted  to 
falsify  history  by  asserting  that  about  1758  ill  feeling  beyond  the 
proverbial,  but  harmless  jealousy  between  regulars  and  militia, 
existed  among  the  British  and  American  troops  fighting  a  common 
foe.  These  considerations  narrow  the  possibilities  of  the  Shuck- 
burgh's  authorship  down  either  to  verses  unknown  to  us  or  to  such 
"neutral"  ones  as — 

Brother  Ephraim  sold  his  cow 

And  bought  him  a  Commission 
And  then  he  went  to  Canada 

To  fight  for  the  Nation. 
But  when  Ephraim  he  came  home 

He  prov'd  an  arrant  coward, 
He  wou'dn't  fight  the  Frenchmen  there, 

For  fear  of  being  devour'd. 

But  these  belong  to  "Yankee  Doodle,  or  (as  now  christened  by  the 
Saints  of  New  England)  the  Lexington  March,"  and  were  not  pub- 
lished until  anywhere  from  1777  to  1799,  and  surely  will  be  admitted 
to  bear  the  earmarks  of  an  origin  later,  at  any  rate,  than  June,  1758, 


156  Yankee    Doodle. 

and  probably  after  1770  rather  than  before.  Thus,  to  sum  up,  Dr. 
Richard  Shuckburgh's  connection  with  "Yankee  Doodle"  becomes 
doubtful  again,  and  indeed  the  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  remains 
as  mysterious  as  ever,  unless  it  be  deemed  a  positive  result  to  have 
eliminated  definitely  almost  every  theory  thus  far  advanced  and  thus 
by  the  process  of  elimination  to  have  paved  the  way  for  an  eventual 
solution  of  the  puzzle. 


LITERATURE  USED  FOR  THIS  REPORT. 

GENERAL. 

BANKS,  Lours  ALBERT:  Immortal  songs  of  camp  and  field;  the  story  of  their  inspira- 
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land, The  Burrows  bros.  co.,  1899  [1898].  298  p.  illus.  8°. 

BRINTON,  HOWARD  FUTHEY:  Patriotic  songs  of  the  American  people.  New  Haven, 
The  Tuttle,  Morehouse  &  Taylor  co.,  1900.  Ill  p.  12°. 

BROWN,  JAMES  DUFF:  Characteristic  songs  and  dances  of  all  nations.  London, 
Beyley  &  Ferguson,  c  1901.  276  p.  4°. 

BUTTERWORTH,  HszEKiAH:  The  great  composers.  Rev.  and  enl.  Boston,  Lothrop 
publishing  company,  1894.  5  p.  1.,  195  p.  incl.  plates.  18|  cm.  pp.  124-160. 

CELEBRATED  FOLKSONGS  AND  THEIR  TRUE  HISTORY.  Metronome,  1903,  v.  19,  no. 
9,  p.  9. 

DANIELL,  CARL  A.:  National  airs  and  who  wrote  them.  Current  literature,  1896, 
vol.  20,  pp.  453-454. 

ELSON,  Louis  CHARLES:  Folk  songs  of  many  nations,  collected  and  ed.,  with  preface 
and  annotations.  Cincinnati,  Chicago  [etc.]  The  J.  Church  company  [1905], 
1  p.  1.,  171  p.  28  cm. 

ELSON,  Louis  CHARLES:  The  national  music  of  America  and  its  sources.  Boston, 
L.  C.  Page  and  company,  1900  [1899].  vi,  v-viii,  9-326  p.  4  port.  (incl.  front.). 
17£  cm.  (See  also  his  Hist,  of  Am.  Music,  1904,  pp.  140-164.) 

FERRIS,  MARY  L.  D.:  Our  national  songs  [illus.  fac-similes,  especially  of  letter  by 
Rev.  S.  F.  Smith,  dated  1889  and  narrating  origin  of  "America"].  New  England 
magazine,  1890.  new  ser.  vol.  2,  pp.  483-504. 

FITZ-GERALD,  S.  J.  AoAiR:  Stories  of  famous  songs.    London,  1898. 

JOHNSON,  HELEN  (KENDRICK)  "Mrs.  Rossiter  Johnson:"  Our  familiar  songs  and  those 
who  made  them .  More  than  three  hundred  standard  songs  of  the  English-speaking 
race,  arranged  with  piano  accompaniment,  and  preceded  by  sketches  of  the  writers 
and  histories  of  the  songs.  New  York,  H.  Holt  and  co.  1881.  xiii,  660  p.  4°. 

JOHNSON,  HELEN  (KENDRICK)  "Mrs.  Rossiter  Johnson:"  Our  familiar  songs  and  those 
who  made  them;  three  hundred  standard  songs  of  the  English  speaking  race, 
arranged  with  piano  accompaniment,  and  preceded  by  sketches  of  the  writers  and 
histories  of  the  songs.  New  York,  H.  Holt  and  company,  1889.  xiii,  660  p. 
25^  cm. 

JOHNSON,  HELEN  KENDRICK  AND  DEAN,  FREDERIC:  Famous  songs  and  those  who 
made  them  .  .  .  New  York,  Bryan,  Taylor  &co.  1895.  2  v.  4°.  [The  American 
national  songs  here  treated  are  contained  in  the  first  volume.] 

KOBBE,  GUSTAV.:  Famous  American  songs.  New  York,  T.  Y.  Crowell  &  co.  [1906]. 
xvii,  [1],  168,  [1]  p.  incl.  front,  plates,  ports.,  facsims.  20£  cm. 

MCCARTY,  WILLIAM:  Songs,  odes,  and  other  poems  on  national  subjects.  Philadel- 
phia, 1842.  3v. 

157 


158          Literature    Used  for  this  Report. 

MBAD,  LEON:  The  songs  of  freedom  [includes  M.  Keller's  "The  American  hymn" 
with  music].  Chautauquan,  1900,  vol.  31,  p.  p  574-684. 

MOORE,  FRANK:  Songs  and  ballads  of  the  American  Revolution.  New  York.  D. 
Appleton  &  co.,  1856. 

NASON,  ELIAS:  A  monogram  on  our  national  song.    Albany,  J.  Munsell,  1869.   69  p.  8°. 

NATIONAL  MELODIES  OF  AMERICA:  The  poetry  by  George  P.  Morris,  eeq.,  adapted 
and  arranged  byChas.  £.  Horn.  Part  I.  New  York,  1839.  [Review  of  the  col- 
lection which  does  not  deal  with  national  melodies  but  rather  with  folk  melodies 
with  a  leaning  towards  negro  songs.]  Southern  literary  messenger,  1839.  vol.  5, 
pp.  770-773. 

NATIONAL  BONOS  [merely  reprint  of  two  prize  poems  "Sons  of  America"  and  "Old 
Glory"].  Iowa  historical  record,  1895,  vol.  11,  pp.  329-331. 

OUR  NATIONAL  SONGS;  with  numerous  original  illustrations  by  G.  T.  Tobin.  New 
York,  F.  A.  Stokes  co.  [1898].  128  p.  illust.  24°  [words  only.] 

PREBLE,  HENRY  GEORGE:  History  of  the  flag  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Sec- 
ond revised  edition.  Boston,  A.  Williams  and  co.  1880.  3  p.  715-768.  [Chapter 
on  "National  and  patriotic  songs,"  also  first  edition,  1872,  used.] 

REDDALL,  HENRY  FREDERIC:  Songs  that  never  die  .  .  .  enriched  with  valuable  his- 
torical and  biographical  sketches  .  .  .  Philadelphia  National  Publishing  co. 
[c!892].  615  p.  8°. 

RIMBAULT,  EDWARD  F.:  American  national  songs  [with  music].  Leisure  hour,1876, 
vol.  25,  pp.  90-92. 

SAPFELL,  W.  T.  R.:  Hail  Columbia,  the  Flagand  Yankee  Doodle  Dandy.  Baltimore, 
T.  Newton  Kurtz,  1864.  123  p.  8°. 

SMITH,  NICHOLAS:  Stories  of  great  national  songs.  Milwaukee,  The  Young  church- 
man co.  [etc.  etc.,  1899].  238  p.  2  pi.,  18  port.  (incl.  front.).  19$  cm. 

SONNECK,  O.  G.:  Bibliography  of  early  secular  American  music.  Washington,  D.  C. 
Printed  for  the  author  by  H.  L.  McQueen,  1905.  x,  194  p.  29  cm. 

SPOFFORD,  AINSWORTH  R.:  The  lyric  element  in  American  history.  Columbia  His- 
torical Society,  Records,  1904,  vol.  7.  (Same  printed  separately.) 

SOUSA,  JOHN  PHILIP:  National,  patriotic,  and  typical  airs  of  all  lands,  with  copious 
notes.  Philadelphia,  H.  Coleman  [c!890].  283  p.  4°.  [Compiled  by  authority 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  1889,  for  the  use  of  the  department.] 

STEVENSON,  E.  IRENAEUS:  Our  "national"  songs.  Independent,  1897,  vol.  49, 
nos.  2526-2561. 

WAYNE,  FLYNN:  Our  national  songs  and  their  writers.  National  magazine,  1899/1900, 
vol.  11,  pp.  284-296. 

WHITE,  RICHARD  GRANT:  National  hymns.  How  they  are  written  and  how  they  are 
not  written.  A  lyric  and  national  study  for  the  times.  New  York,  Rudd  <fe 
Carleton  [etc.],  1861.  x,  [11J-152  p.  incl.  front.  23  cm. 

AMERICA. 

THE  AUTHOR  OF  "AMERICA":  American  notes  and  queries,  1889/90,  vol.  4,  pp.  283- 

284. 

BATEMAN,  STRINGER:  The  national  anthem:  A  Jacobite  hymn  and  rebel  song  [con- 
tains also  references  to  earlier  articles].  Gentleman's  magazine,  1893,  vol.  275, 
pp.  33-45. 

BENSON,  L.  F.:  America  [and  the  Episcopal  hymnal].  Independent,  1897,  vol.  49, 
p.  51. 


Literature    Used  for  this  Report.          159 

BOULT,  S.  H.:  God  save  the  Queen.     Good  words,  1895,  vol.  36,  pp.  813-815. 
BROWNE,  C.  A.:  The  story  of  "My  country,  'tis  of  thee."    Musician,  1908,  vol.  13, 

p.  309. 
CHAPPELL,  WILLIAM  :  Old  English  popular  music.    A  new  ed.  with  a  preface  and  notes 

and  the  earlier  examples   entirely  revised  by  H.  Ellis   Wooldridge.     London, 

Chappell  &   co.  [etc.];  New  York,   Novello,  Ewer  &  co.,  1893.    2  v.    front. 

(facsim.)    27  cm.     First  pub.  1838-40  as  "A  collection  of  national  English  airs" 

which  was  afterwards  expanded  into  his  "Popular  music  of  the  olden  time." 

(1859.    2  v.)    Part  of  the  latter  ed.  was  pub.  under  title  "The  ballad  literature 

and  popular  music  of  the  olden  time."     [God  save  our  lord  the  King,  vol.  2, 

pp.  194-200.] 
CHRYSANDER,  FRIEDRICH:  Henry  Carey  und  der  Ursprung  des  Konigsgesanges  God 

save  the  King.    Jahrbucher  fur  musikalische   Wissenschaft,   1863,  vol.  1,  pp. 

287-407. 
CLARK,  RICHARD,  comp.  and  ed.:  An  account  of  the  national  anthem  entitled  God 

save  the  king!  .  .  .  Selected,  edited,  and  arranged.    London,   Printed  for  W. 

Wright,   1822.     1  p.  1.,  [vi-xxviii,    208  p.   plates,   ports.     23  cm.      "Glees:" 

pp.  137-203. 
C[RAWFORD],  G.  A. :  God  save  the  King  [excellent  summing  up  in  favor  of  the  Jacobite 

origin].    Julian's  dictionary  of  hymnology,  2d.  ed.,  1907,  pp.  437-440. 
CUMMINGS,  WILLIAM  H[AYMAN]:  God  save  the  king;  the  origin  and  history  of  the 

music  and  words  of  the  national  anthem.     London,  Novello  and  company,  limited; 

New  York,  Novello,  Ewer  and  co.,  1902.    v,  126  p..  incl.  music,  front.,  port. 

20cm. 
ENGEL,  CARL:  An  introduction  to  the  study  of  national  music;  comprising  researches 

into  popular  songs,  traditions,  and  customs.     London,  Longmans,  Green,  Reader, 

and  Dyer,  1866.     [Pp.  13-18,  instructive  remarks  on  the  origin,  etc.,  of  "God 

save  the  King."] 

GAUNTLETT,  H.  J.:  God  save  the  King,  a  hymn  of  the  Chapels  Royal.    Notes  and 

queries,  Id  ser.,  1859,  vol.  7,  pp.  63-64. 
GOD  SAVE  THE  KING.     Gentleman's  magazine,  1814,  vol.  84,  2,  p.  42,  99-100,  323-324, 

339,  430,  552. 

GOD  SAVE  THE  KING  [on  the  origin].  Gentleman's  magazine,  1836,  new  ser.,  vol.  6, 
pp.  141-142. 

"GoD  SAVE  THE  KING,"  its  authorship  [communication  from  A.  W.  Thayer,  John 
Moore,  B.  D.  A.,  and  editorial  comment].  Dwight's  journal  of  music,  1877, 
vol.  37,  nos.  7,  9,  10. 

GOD  SAVE  THE  QUEEN  [origin  of  the  words].  Chambers's  journal,  1867,  4th  ser.,  no. 
206,  pp.  775-778. 

GOD  SAVE  THE  QUEEN.     American  notes  and  queries,  1889,  vol.  3,  pp.  1-3. 
GOULD,  S.  BARING:  God  save  our  gracious  queen  [Notes  to  songs,  English  Minstrelsie, 

vol.  1,  pp.  xxv-xxvii]. 
[GROVE,  SIR  GEORGE  AND  KIDSON,  FRANK]:  God  save  the  King  [resum6  of  the  whole 

controversy].     Grove's  dictionary  of  music  and  musicians,  2d.  ed.,  1906,  vol. '2, 

pp.  188-191. 

HADDEN,  J.  CUTHBERT.:  The  "God  save  the  Queen  myths."  Argosy  (Lond.),  1900, 
vol.  72,  pp.  93-100. 

THE    INTERNATIONAL   PATRIOTIC   AIR   AMERICA — GOD    SAVE    THE    QUEEN    [with    music 

and  facsimile  by  Rev.  S.  F.  Smith,  1893  of  "America"].     Outlook,  1898,  vol. 
59,  pp.   563-565. 


160          Literature    Used  for  this  Report. 

MEAD,  EDWIN  D.:  The  hymn  "America."     Boston  Evening  Transcript,  October  19, 

1908,  p.  10. 
MOORE,  AUBERTINE  WOODWARD:  Popular  hymn  claimed  by  all  nations.    Musical 

leader  and  concert  goer,  1904,  vol.  8,  No.  8,  pp.  6-8. 
"Mr  COUNTRY,  'TIS  OP  THEE  "  [reprint  of  an  account  of  ita  origin  in  the  words  of  Rev. 

S.  F.  Smith].    Music,  1898,  vol.  14,  p.  107. 
MYERS,  A.  WALUS:  God  save  the  Queen.    The  story  of  our  national  hymn.    The 

Ludgate,  1900/01,  vol.  11,  pp.  148-154. 
N.,  J.  G.:  The  history  of  "God  save  the  King."    Gentleman's  magazine,  1836,  new 

ser.  vol.  6,  pp.  369-374. 
THE  NATIONAL  HYMN  [inconsequential  note  on  the  origin  of  "God  save  the  King"]. 

Atlantic  monthly,  1896.  vol.  77,  p.  720. 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  HYMN  "AMERICA"  [condensed  from  an  article  in  the  N.  Y.  World, 

Sunday  Jan.  20,  1895].    The  Critic,  1895,  vol.  26,  p.  69. 
TAPPERT,   WILHELM:  Wandernde  melodien.    Eine  musikalische  Studie,   2.   verm. 

und  verb.  aufl.  Berlin,  Brachvogel  &  Ranft,  1889  [contains  interesting  remarks 

on  "God  save  the  King"].    2  p.l.,  95,  [1]  p.  22$  cm. 
W.,  J.  R.:  Origin  of  "God  save  the  King."    Gentleman's  magazine,  1836,  new  ser. 

vol.  5.  pp.  594-595. 
WHAT  is  OUR  CLAIM  TO  "Goo  SAVE  THE  KINO?"    Musical  news,  1908,  vol.  35,  nos. 

920-921. 
WHERE  "AMERICA"  WAS  FIRST  SUNG   [two  communications  from  William  Copley 

Winslow  and  Edwin  D.  Mead].     Boston  Evening  Transcript,  1908,  Oct.  27,  p.  11. 

HAIL  COLUMBIA 

FACSIMILE  OF  "HAIL  COLUMBIA"  BY  JOSEPH  HOPKINSON  [dated,  March  24,  1838]. 
Henkels'  Catalogue  of  autograph  letters,  etc.,  no.  738,  p.  48. 

HAIL  COLUMBIA:  Moore's  complete  encyclopaedia  of  music  [1880],  pp.  358-359. 

HAIL  COLUMBIA:  American  notes  and  queries,  1888/89,  vol.  2,  p.  18. 

[KIDSON,  FRANK]:  Hail  Columbia.  Grove's  dictionary  of  music  and  musicians,  2d. 
ed.,  1906,  vol.  2,  pp.  271-272. 

[McKoY,  WILLIAM]:  Origin  of  "Hail  Columbia"  [reprint  from  Poulson's  Daily  Adver- 
tiser, Phila.,  1829,  where  article  appeared  under  pseudonym  "Lang  Syne." 
(Dawson's)  Historical  magazine,  1861,  vol.  5,  pp.  280-282. 

SONNECK,  O.  G.:  Critical  notes  on  the  origin  of  "Hail  Columbia."  Sammelbande 
d.  I.  M.  G.  1901,  vol.  3,  pp.  139-166. 

STAR  SPANGLED   BANNER 

APPLETON,  NATHAN:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.  An  address  delivered  at  the  Old 
South  Meeting  House,  Boston  ...  on  June  14,  1877.  Boston,  Lockwood, 
Brooks  &  Co.,  1877.  8°.  34p.  [on  the  history  of  the  flag,  the  song,  etc.] 

BROWNE,  C.  A.:  The  story  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner."  Musician,  1907,  v.  12, 
p.  541. 

CARPENTER,  JOHN  C.:  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner"  [with  port,  and  facsimile]. 
Century  magazine,  1894,  vol.  48,  pp.  358-363. 

CHAPPELL,  WM.:  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner"  and  "To  Anacreon  in  Heaven"  [on 
the  authorship  of  John  Stafford  Smith].  Notes  and  Queries  (London),  1873, 
4th  ser.,  vol.  11,  pp.  50-51. 


Literature    Used  for  this   Report.          161 

DORSET,  MRS.  ANNA  H.    Origin  of  the  Star  Spangled  Banner  [reprinted  from  Wash- 
ington Sunday  Morning  Chronicle].    (Dawson's)  Historical  magazine,  1861,  vol.  5» 

pp.  282-283. 

FOR  A  NEW  NATIONAL  HYMN.  North  American  review.,  1906,  vol.  183,  pp.  947-948. 
THE  FRANCIS  SCOTT  KEY  MEMORIAL.  Munsey's  magazine,  1898,  vol.  20,  pp.  325-326 
HIQGINS,  EDWIN.:  The  national  anthem  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner,"  Francis  Scott 

Key,  and  patriotic  lines.    Baltimore,  1898  [illustrated  reprint  of  the  poem  with 

a  brief  biographical  sketch,  12  p.  16°]. 
HILL,  MARION:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.    Does  it  get  weighed?    Or  yet  wade? 

Uncertainty  of  many  school  children  on  the  subject.    McClure's  magazine, 

1900,  vol.  15,  pp.  262-267  [not  historical]. 
KEY,  FRANCIS  SCOTT:  Poems  .  .  .  with  an  introductory  letter  by  Chief  Justice  Taney. 

New  York,  R.  Carter  &  Bros.,  1857  [the  letter  narrates  "the  incidents  connected 

with  the  origin  of  the  song  The  Star  Spangled  Banner "  as  told  the  author  by 

Key]. 

K[IDSON],  FRANK:  Star  Spangled  Banner.     Grove's  dictionary  of  music  and  musi- 
cians, 2d  ed.,  1908.     vol.  4,  pp.  674-675. 
KING,  HORATIO:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.     Magazine  of  American  history,  1883. 

Vol.  X,  pp.  516-517. 
LOSSING,  BENSON  JOHN:  The  pictorial  field-book  of  the  war  of  1812.     Facsimile  of 

the  original  manuscript  of  the  first  stanza  of  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner," 

reprinted  from  Kennedy  and  Bliss'  "Autograph  leaves  of  our  country  authors;" 

origin  of  the  hymn  narrated  in  footnote  to  pp.  956-958. 
MCLAUGHLIN,  J.  FAIRFAX:  "The  Star-Spangled  Banner!"  who  composed  the  music 

for  it.     It  is  American,  not  English.    American  Art  Journal,  1896.    vol.  68,  No. 

13,  pp.  194-195. 
MEAD,  LUCIA  AMES:  Our  National  Anthem  [against  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner"], 

Outlook,  1903.    vol.  75,  p.  616. 
MARYLAND,  BOARD  OP  PUBLIC  WORKS:  The  seventh  star.     Facts  and  figures  about 

the  State  of  Maryland.    Her  past  greatness  and  her  present  prosperity  .  .  .     Pub. 

by  the  board  of  public  works  for  the  Louisiana  purchase  exposition.     Maryland 

day,  September  12th,  1904.     Baltimore,  Md.     Press  of  Lucas  brothers  [1904]. 

[22]  p.    front.,  illus.,  ports.,  facsims.    23J  cm.     Contains  facsimiles.     Compiled 

by  [L.  H.  Dielman]. 
A  MONUMENT  TO  FRANCIS  SCOTT  KEY  [by  Doyle  and  port,  of  K.  on  p.  128].     The 

Critic,  1898.    new  ser.    vol.  30,  p.  129. 
THE  NATIONAL  ANTHEM  [on  the  official  adoption  of  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner" 

by  the  Army  and  Navy].     Outlook,  1903.     vol.  75,  p.  245. 
NATIONAL  HYMNOLOGY  [on  our  national  anthem  with  special  reference  to  "The  Star 

Spangled  Banner"].     Scribner's  magazine,  1907.     vol.  42,  pp.  380-381. 
PINKERTON,  WILLIAM:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.     Notes  &  Queries,  1864.    3d  ser. 

vol.  6,  pp.  429-430. 
PREBLE,  GEORGE  HENRY:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner,  autographic  copies,  additional 

verses,  etc.     (8°.    7p.)  published  separately  in  ed.  of  100  copies  with  facsimile. 

Boston,  1876. 
PREBLE,  GEO.  HENRY:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner.    Autograph  copies,  additional 

verses,  etc.     Communicated  by  Rear  Admiral  .  .  .  [with  facsimile  of  copy  dated 

Oct.  21,  1840].     New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  register,  1877.    vol. 

31,  pp.  28-31. 
85480—09 11 


162          Literature    Used  for  this  Report. 

PREBLE,  GEO.  HENRY:  Three  historic  flags  and  three  September  victories  [contains 
important  matter  on  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner"  especially  the  different  auto- 
graphs]. New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  1874.  vol.  28,  pp. 
17-41. 

SALISBURY,  STEPHEN:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner  and  national  songs  [Read  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  in  Worcester,  Oct.  21].  Dwight's 
journal  of  music,  1872.  vol.  32,  pp.  332-333. 

SALISBURY,  STEPHEN:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner  and  national  airs.  [Read  before 
the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  Oct.  21,  1872.]  American  Historical  Rec- 
ord, 1872.  vol.  1,  pp.  550-554. 

SALISBURY,  STEPHEN:  An  essay  on  the  Star  Spangled  Banner  and  national  songs. 
Read  before  the  Society,  October  21,  1872.  Worcester,  1873.  8*.  15  p.  Re- 
printed from  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society. 

•    Same  [second  ed.]  with  additional  notes  and  songs.    Worcester,  1873.    8*. 
24  p.  (ed.  of  100). 

SALISBURY,  STEPHEN:  The  Star  Spangled  Banner  and  national  songs.  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  Proceedings,  1873,  pp.  43-53. 

SCHELL,  FRANK  H.:  Our  great  national  hymn  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner"  and  its 
origin  [inconsequential  note].  Leslie's  weekly,  1898.  vol.  87,  p.  85. 

[THE  SELECTION  OF  THE  MUSIC  FOR  THE  "STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER"  by  Ferdinand 
Durang.]  Iowa  Historical  Record,  1897.  vol.  13,  p.  144. 

SHIPPEN,  REBECCA  LLOYD:  The  original  manuscript  of  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner." 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  Hist.  &  Biogr.,  1901.  vol.  25,  pp.  427-428. 

SMITH,  F.  S.  KEY:  Fort  McHenry  and  the  "Star  Spangled  Banner"  [with  port,  of 
Francis  Scott  Key].  The  Republic  magazine,  1908.  vol.  1,  No.  4,  pp.  10-20. 

THE  STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER  [facsimile  of  the  handwriting  of  the  author,  Francis  S. 
Key,  dated  Washington,  October  21, 1840,  formerly  in  possession  of  Lewis  J.  Cist]. 
Smith's  American  historical  and  literary  curiosities,  2d  ser.  Philadelphia, 
PI.  LV. 

THE  STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER:  Dwight's  journal  of  music,  1861.  vol.  19,  pp.  37, 
39,  46. 

THE  STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER:  American  Historical  Record,  1873.  vol.  2,  pp. 
24-25. 

STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER  [inconsequential  note].  American  notes  and  queries,  1888. 
vol.  1,  pp.  199. 

THE  STAR  SPANGLED  BANNER.  [Facsimile  of  four  stanzas  in  autograph  of  F.  S.  Key, 
dated  Oct.  21, 1840]  Henkels'  Catalogue  of  autograph  letters,  etc.  No.  738,  p.  50. 

"TANEY,  ROGER  B.]:  "The  Star  Spangled  Banner"  [extract  from  a  letter  dated  1856, 
written  to  her  giving  the  origin  of  the  words  and]  Contributed  by  Mrs.  Rebecca 
Lloyd  Shippen.  Pennsylvania  magazine  of  history  and  biography,  1898/99.  Vol. 
22,  pp.  321-325. 

WARNER,  JOHN  L.:  The  origin  of  the  American  National  anthem  called  the  Star 
Spangled  Banner.  [Read  before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  at  its  meet- 
ing, 1867].  (Dawson's)  Historical  magazine,  1867.  Vol.  11,  pp.  279-280. 

WILCOX,  MARION:  America's  National  song  [The  Star  Spangled  Banner]  Harper's 
weekly,  1905.  Vol.  49,  p.  373. 

X.    The  Star  Spangled  Banner  .  .  .  Musical  times,  1896.     Vol.  37,  pp.  516-519. 


Literature    Used  for  this   Report.  163 

YANKEE  DOODLE. 

BANSEMER,  CAROLINE  T.:  Yankee  Doodle.     Lippincott's  magazine,  1896.     Vol.  58, 

pp.  138-140. 
BELL,  WILLIAM:  Yankee,  its  origin  and  meaning.     Notes  and  queries,  1853.     1st  ser., 

vol.  7,  p.  103. 
Boos,  J.  E.:  Where  "Yankee  Doodle"  was  written.     American  music  journal,  1907. 

Vol.  6,  No.  8,  pp.  30-32. 
CARTER,  N.  H.:  Origin  of  Yankee  Doodle  [repr.  without  date  from  the  Albany  Register 

or  New  York  Statesman]  Farmer  &  Moore's  Collections,  1824.     Vol.  3,  pp.  217-218. 
DEAR  OLD  YANKEE  DOODLE!    The  song  is  seven  centuries  old  and  four  great  nations 

have  owned  it.     Metronome,  1899.     Vol.  15,  No.  9,  p.  10. 

E.  W.  C.:  YANKEE  DOODLE.     Lippincott's  magazine,  1876.    Vol.  18,  pp.  126-128. 
FLOOD,  WM.  H.  GRATTAN:  The  Irish  origin  of  the  tune  of  "Yankee  Doodle."    [With 

music  sheet  containing  the  tune  as  printed  by  Aird,  1782,  and  the  tune  of  "All 

the  way  to  Galway"  from  a  MSS.  written  1750].    The  Dolphin,  1905.    Vol.  8, 

pp.  187-193. 

J.,  G.  W.:  Kitty  Fisher.     Notes  &  Queries,  1865.    3d  ser.,  vol.  8,  pp.  81-82. 
LOSSING,  BENSON  J.:  The  origin  of  Yankee  Doodle  [repr.  from  the  Poughkeepsie 

Eagle].     Littell's  Living  age,  1861,  vol.  70,  pp.  382-384;  Dwight's  journal  of  music, 

1861,  vol.  19,  p.  107. 
LOSSING,  BENSON  JOHN.    The  pictorial  field-book  of  the  revolution.     New  York, 

Harper  &  brothers,  1860.    [Yankee  Doodle  National  Song  of  the  Revolution]  p .  683. 
MOORE,  AUBERTINE  WOODWARD:  Young  America  in  musical  tones  [on  origin  of  "Yan- 
kee Doodle"]    Musical  leader  and  concert  goer,  1905.     Vol.  10,  Nos.  2-3. 
ORIGIN  OF  YANKEE  DOODLE.    Musical  reporter,  Boston,  1841.    Vol.  1,  May,  pp.  206- 

209. 
THE  ORIGIN  OF  YANKEE  DOODLE.     Various  theories  of  the  meaning  of  the  words. 

Music  and  literature,  1898.     Vol.  I,  No.  6,  p.  10. 
PORSON,  JUNIOR.     Original  of  the  national  melody  "Yankee  Doodle"  [satire  on  the 

ethymological  derivation  of  the  words  Yankee  Doodle].     Democratic  review,  1839. 

Vol.  5,  pp.  213-221;  repr.  1855,  vol.  35,  pp.  125-131. 
RIMBAULT,  EDWARD  F.     Kitty  Fisher.     Notes  &  Queries,  1870.    4th  ser.,  vol.  5,  pp. 

319-320. 

Yankee  Doodle  [note  on  18th  cent,  broadsides].     Notes  and  queries  (London), 

1860.     2d.  ed.  vol.  10,  pp.  426. 
RYDER,  JAMES  F.    The  painter  of  "Yankee  Doodle"  [Archibald  M.  Willard].     New 

England  magazine,  1895/96.     New  ser.,  vol.  13,  pp.  483-494. 
SONNECK,  0.  G.     Yankee  Doodle  nicht  "made  in  Germany."    Allgemeine  Musik 

Zeitung,  1907.     Vol.  34,  p.  381. 
Sonneck,    0.    G.     Yankee    Doodle  (article  contributed   to  new  ed.   of    Grove's 

Dictionary,  1909). 
S[QUIRE],  W.  B.     Yankee  Doodle  [comprehensive  review  of  the  different  theories]. 

Grove's  dictionary  of  music  and  musicians,  1st  ed.,  vol.  4,  pp.  493-495. 
A  VERY  FUNNY  OLD  TUNE  [Yankee  Doodle].     Brainard's  musical,  1901.     Vol.  3,  No.  1, 

p.  30. 
WESTCOTT,  T.     Yankee  and  Yankee  Doodle.     Notes  and  queries,  1852.     1st  ser.,  vol. 

6,  pp.  56-58. 


164          Literature    U sed  for  this   Report. 

YANKEE,  DERIVATION  OP.  Notes  and  queries  (Lon.),  Istser.,  1851,  vol.3,  pp.  260, 437, 
461;  vol.  4,  pp.  13,  344,  392-393;  1852,  vol.  5,  pp.  86,  258;  1852,  vol.  6,  pp.  56-58; 
1853,  vol.  7,  pp.  103,  164. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [miscellaneous  queries  and  answers  as  to  derivation,  origin,  etc.] 
Historical  magazine,  1857.  Vol.  I,  pp.  26-27,  58-59,  86,  91-92,  124,  156-157,  189, 
221,  279,  314,  375;  1858,  vol.  2,  pp.  214-215,  280;  1859,  vol.  3,  pp.  22-23, 189;  1861, 
vol.  5,  p.  123. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [miscellaneous  information  on  origin  of  the  term,  etc.]  Magazine 
of  American  History,  1877.  Vol.  1,  pp.  390,  452,  576;  1879,  vol.  3,  p.  265;  1884, 
vol.  11,  p.  176;  1886,  vol.  15,  p.  99;  1891,  vol.  25,  p.  256;  1891,  vol.  26,  pp.  75,  236. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [with  the  old  text  and  additional  stanzas]  Farmer  and  Moore's  Col- 
lection, historical  and  miscellaneous,  1824.  Vol.  3,  pp.  157-160. 

YANKEE  DOODLE.     Dwight's  journal  of  music,  1853/54.     Vol.  4,  p.  27. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [as  a  popular  air  of  Biscay  and  Hungary].  Dwight's  Journal  of 
music,  1858.  Vol.  13,  p.  133. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [notes  containing  some  curious  etymological  information,  variants, 
etc].  American  notes  and  queries,  1889,  vol.  3,  pp.  161-162;  1889/90,  vol.  4,  pp. 
72,  142;  1890,  vol.  5,  p.  225. 

YANKEE  DOODLE  [brief  sketch  with  the  supposed  original  text  from  Isaiah  Thomas's 
collection  of  broadsides,  1813].  Duyckinck's  cyclopaedia  of  American  literature. 
Philadelphia,  1875.  I,  pp.  463-464. 

YANKEE,  ITS  ETYMOLOGY.  Notes  and  queries,  5th  ser.,  1877,  vol.  7,  pp.  126,  337-338; 
1878,  vol.  10,  p.  467;  1879,  vol.  11,  pp.  18,  38. 

YANKEE  [derivation  of  the  words].  Webster's  dictionary;  Standard  dictionary;  Bart- 
lett's  dictionary  of  americanisms,  etc.0 

°  These  notes  on  the  printed  Yankee  Doodle  literature  would  be  incomplete  with- 
out reference  to  the  important  but  unfortunately  unprinted  essays  by  Mr.  George  H. 
Moore  and  Mr.  Albert  Matthews  mentioned  throughout  these  pages. 


165 


166 


To  Aiucrcbn;  in  he..v'n,  where  he  fat  in  full  glee, 


z 


a    few  fons  of  harmony  fent  a  pe-  ti-  tion,  that  he 


their  in-fpir-cr  and  patron  would  he;  \vhcn  this 


^   -^    ^4-  -jl— 

anuvcrar-riv'dfron  liu-jol-ly  old  Grecian — "  \rc)lc(.>, 


fiddle,  and  flute,    no    longer   be  mute,    I'll  Knd 


you  my  name  and  infpire  you  to  boot ;  and,  bc/I'des, 


I'll  inftrud.you  like  ir\c  to  in .  twine  the  myrtle  of 

Vcnu$ 


PLATE  I.— "TO  ANACREON  IN  HEAVEN,"  FRO 


167 


~::OL..-~^_ 


Venus  with  Bac  -  chos's   vine,  and,  befides,  1M1 


ou  like  i»c  to  intwkc  the  myrtle   of  Venus 


air5— 


with    Bacchub's  vine. 


The  news  through  Olympns -immediately  fie vv; 
When  old  Thunder  pretended  to  give  hijnie, 
««  If  thefe  mortals  are  fuffer'd  theft;  fchemtf  to  ,j> 
«  The  devil  a  goddefs  will  ftayabovc  flairs. 
«  Hark!  already  they^cry^  ;  4 ''   t 
*'  In  transports -of  joy,",.  '      .'. 
'•  Away  to  the  ions  of  Anacrebn  V/c1!   H>», 
««  And  there,  with  good  fellows,  we'll  learn  to 
«•  The  myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus'?  vftif. 

«  The  yellow-hairM  God  ^nd  his  ninpfufty  maids, 

"•  From  Helicon's  tanks  will  incontinent  ttee, 
««  Idalfc  will  -bpaft  bqt^f  tenantlefs  ihades, .-  • 
««'  And  the  bi-forked  hill  afmere  ^fart  w*H  Oe-^ 
''":  "i  My  thunder,  no  fear  onft,          V- 

',  ".  Shall :fo6ii  do  fts  yraud,  •  . 

''  And",  dam'me!  I'll  itvinge  the  ringleaders, I 
-<.<  I'lr-trimthe.youn&dogs^  for  thai  dating  ^d|wtfW 
^  Tlte  myrtle  of  Venus  V'ithf  acchosN  »Wf-T;  -T. 
•x'v <    !  *   •  ••  -      •    ^ 

(V.-i..-.1  •    *  .  -t!  '••-  — 


-'Apollo 


THE  VOCAL  ENCHANTRESS,"  LONDON,  1783. 


HIS 


169 


170 


The    ANACREONTIC] 


he       Mt    in     f«U 


rr  P  g-ir  NE^=I 


\*T\^rr     hr     ut     in     full  jpl**  »hrrr 


a        frwSon^of  har-rro-njr     «rnt    a      1 


patron  would    be  when  thn       answer  ar  _  riv'd  thi<     answer  arriv 


[-/£  —  F  — 

*  •  A  3  

1     .      ,.  ^H 

ff  —  •  —  r 

\w  \ 

pa  fro 

fF4= 

i.  r  i    F  =1 

n   would    V>e 

J   J    M     h 

^  — 
this 

1  i/-  r  : 

nn^urr  arriv 

!»•        a*             |              r 

PLATE  II.— FROM  JOHN  STAFFORD  SMITH'S  "II 


171 


SONG 

harmonized  by  the  Author 
Ka                                   i 

^F^H-^t  r    r  J-N-?g=EF 

sat       in     full 

4  tx1  (7 
jflee    a             few  Son*     of 

—  Q  B  •-:  

haT—mon'        a 

r  p—  ^--  ..:^ 

M/  ,r 

vrf       in      fun 

fM=^ 

J;  r  '    

—  £           __              ..     r.v 

«~  t— 

a 

1    •         C          g 
sat       in      full 

p                  i 

r|*r-p  —  r 

^ 

H^    r   1 
i  -tion 

and    patron  \ 

vould  <     he    and 

•  -.       i!        it       1  ... 

ti-tion 

*tt?£ 

and  patron  would     he     and 

-»  —  F  —  1  -H-.-f—  -.  ,    j»  B     __ 

•—  J-s-J—  J—  j  1  -t—  
ti-tionthAt    hetheir     irs.spi    _    rer    .. 

=3=1  -»-•-„  —  1  -t-^-*- 

and 

H*    •      F  F~ 

S3  —  £- 

MS       an^Hf*r 

-J«  0  C  1^  L_ 
ar  ^  rivd     from  the        jol 

fan  a  -j—  i  

^  1  

_ly   old  Grecian 

[  1  ^S|  

_p_.  . 
PA?  i  *  «  • 

~»  1  r  — 

from  the       Jol_ 

-»  —  m~r*±^-m  i»--F- 

Iv     old     Grecian 

rn  —  ^~t~ 

-^  1  \f~ 

:      [-£    p-^^i 

r=^=:*__  i_i'_: 

his      answer 

ar—  rivd        from    the    jol-ly     old       Crecian 

H   BOOK  OF  CANZONETS,"  LONDON,   CA.   1785. 


172 


173 


174 


run  AMERICAN 


r ....—.ft  T  fL-r-q  -P-^H>  T  *- — * 
"zEz^zrrrijiiiitzidrz: 

<  Ye       fons  of  Co  -  lum  -  bia,   who     bravely 

<:   have  fought,  For  thofe  rights,  which  unftain'd  from 


PLATE   III.— PAINE'S  "AC 


175 


MUSICAL    MISCELLANY. 
J        your      Sires    had       de  -  fcend  ed,    Mayyou 


m 

long    tafte   the    bkflings/your     valour,    has 


bought,  And  your  Tons  reap     ihe    foil,\vhich  you 

_  . 


fathers         defended,         Mid  the  reign  of 


'AND  LIBERTY,"   1798. 


177 


17* 


Hard,  hard  is  my  fate!  oh  J  how  gallin 

My  life's  steer' d  by  misery's  chart — 
And  'tlio  'gainst  my  tyrants  [scorn  to  complain, 

Tcr.rs  gusli  forth  to  case  my  sad  heart  : 
I  disdain  e'en  to  shrink,  tho*  I  feel  the  sharp  lash; 

Vet  my  breast  b'eeds  for  her  I  adore : 
While  round  me  the  unfeeling  billows  will  dash, 

I  sigh! — and  still  tug  at  the  oar. 

How  fortune  deceives! — I  had  pleasure  in  tow, 
The  port  where  she  dwelt  we'd  in  view  ; 

But  the  wish'd  nuptial  morn  was  o'erclouded  with 
And,  dear  Anne,  I  hurried  from  you.       [woe, 

Our  shallop  was  boarded,  and  I  borne  away, 
To  behold  my  luv'd  Anne  no  more! 

But  dispair  wastes  my  <pirits,  my  form  feels  decay- 
He  sigh'd — and  expir'd  at  the  oar! 


ANACREON    IN  HEAVKX. 


To  Anacrcon  in  Hcav'a  where  he   -at  in  fu' 
— F~V — 9~-~^~rT~&— — t-~r-|  "T1 


glee,  A   few  sons     of  harmony  -sent    a   j;>  : 


PLATE  IV.— FROM  •  BALTIMO 


179 


.— -_ 

:*zzzztztzt  r-[:~-a~~  f— 


he    their    5:is;v:vr   and"  nr.tro:i    \\ould 


~    ---—  -      -  —         -  — 
----  1.-__.^_!  —  f  —  j.  — 

K* 

M!HMI  this  answer  arriv'd  fro'm  the  joll    oM  O 


Voice  fiddle  an:!   ll'itc  no   JOIHMT    !>••'    in;:!--,    I'll 
}c\\d  yon  my  natns    and    inspire  you    to   boot  ; 


And    besides  1*11  instruct    ou  15!-;^!:   >  to  cativin 


'f  he  .Myrtle  of  Venus  with  Bacchus'sVme 

:c\vs  tlinni^li  Olympus  imnir-ui;,tc!y  flc\v 
SV!R-:I  old  Th'iudcr    pretontcd  to  ^ivc-  !i.:: 


/IUSICAL  MISCELLANY,"   1804. 


180 


181 


182 


O 


0 


- 


/ 


*-*      •    U 


'      p 
«pW 

f^ 


--G 


($    £f-^~jS*^—&— J     1Z 


/  . 

"   * 


• 


xf 


PLATES  V-VI.— THE  KEIM  AUTOGRAPH   (CA.   1842),   IN 


183 


&-***~*    X^itd^VfS^J  J-t*>^.    -U^A^^ry^ 


%  ^  ^     •  *         >* 

*^*~  t^  <(*^?f~ 


c 


ASSIGN  OF  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY. 


184 


185 


186 


<•        yt 


k- 


f 

' 


i.    v. 


-          -> 

H 


4 

V 


Jri^ 

Ki  8  )   M  *  d 
^     SJ  ^".  r\2 


<n 
j.ki 


n 


- 


•3 
>*• 


.•  r  • 

iJ 

l!r 


: 
i 


G 


w 


ya 


187 


* 


188 


189 


190 


M 


V       I    I    i 

t  '•')••.  ^        -iV  ->    ---  '*  •  *   ^ 

11  vlifritll 

Vft  ^ ,     l      i  *  'N       ?     •         S    "Si       'i      J     V3       'J 

^•'U^U^'JK 


v      \       A 

il  'Ji  -4 


>5 


191 


co  >• 

o  h 


-  o 
i  "> 

Q.   _J 
<   < 

DC    O 

§* 


in 


193 


194 


^ 


i  \^ 


1   j 

\x  ^ 
I  * 

a^ 


^ 


's 


\  \        Xj     •      N> 

*$  i  J  i  r 

3    $   $    $  \\\ 


M 


195 


I 

!' j  4  4" 


IHti 


198 


E        n^JM; 

-/  ticf. 


f  I*  ~*~~**~P~*     r    t  IF*     T"''."!*"'   '""T^J      .f -"  ....  ~.J-  _•_* 


'  '  '<m!    *£.  r*L 


V"  ,Wc      *ho    fought  and  bird  in   freedom! 


___ 
who    fought  and  bU-d  i"   frpedoms-aufe-sndwhmjhoft^tnof 


. 
rnjoyVl    i 


br'JtirbojJl          e^rr  mindful     *bv     jr    .?-:ft        f»<-r 

r— : — r-j.-jg3L.r,    ^  !,»   ncrjcr^czacMOcicii 


:Ss£S 


9*j  tlm*'  Ch<Qi» 


.^^^^^T^^^^^^E^WTTT?': 

/     fortheprize       JH    iu*      AU»r     irach  thr  «ki?t       Firm  'uni.  . ted    let  11"$  be 


>    o^a^'   »n"    fiiirty      we    ^Vil    ftnrf 


round  our  Li.ber.tv      z-s  a 


Sound  foutrd  fhf  tniir.'^  of  fwnr 


lnut)oH&l  PtlHott  rifr  oj-ce  nr-arr 

* 

Defend"  /ouf'Tljjnis  d?fmd  j  our  fhore 
Let  no  n»dr  foe  •Hth  impious  h*Rd 
-  Lfi  *A»  rude  fc«-   with  i^pjou* 
iMTtde  th^  fhrldf  vbtrr' faeric-d  He§ 
.      Of  toll  and  b!ood  tji<- 

Whfle  offering  j>CTce  fine^r*  »nd  |u<» 
/n  hetVn  »f  pUcf  a  manly 
"^»t    thrjth  and  luftJcfc  ^J 
-vTy  f<:h^Tne   of 
en   united    +$i 


*ln£  thro  the  world     with 

HJnf  thro  the  worH     wJth  londspolaufe 
Let  ieTery'elime   e«  Prftrdom  dr 
Uften  with  \  Jci/ful  -*ar  * 

Wjth  f-qu*^  fkW  »Jt 
.    HP  goVerris  In  the 

Of  horrM'wajr  of  guUes   wfth  ekfr 
happier  time*  of  ho««»fi 


PLATES  IX-X.— "HAIL  COLUMBIA, 


199 


•**•      "  ? 


•v*v.. 
• .-;,'~  :< 


ho 


w       run  an< 

nwr^nto  few  hi«  TtRUfcry  fta^s 
:.    'HtfTiroelr  on  which  tfe'-fe^'v 
;  J-  ;  "tfce  T6cV  on  *hfefc  the1  f^r*  r 
V-8ut  fc^Vl  In  Tlrta*  ffm  ^urwMrue 
'"s/Htt  &«|we*  are  fiifc  op  hearti   *nd  you 
-  "••  >!hen  J»o*«  wa»  ff  nklng  h»  <)If«ia. 


His  ftfkdy  inih^  from  change* 

on  Death  or  Liierij     ^ 


E    DOODLE 


fe 


Coiurablant  ^  thtt  prefent  5«*ur  as  Brothers  fhould  unite  us  tinloA  at  horct's  the  Aalr  iwai  .t 


Th<-  only  way  to  fc^ep  olf  war, 

An<<  juard'gainft 
It   always  to  be  w«-'l 

\vith  h^arss  of  rffo.Jutlon 
Yankt-c  roodle    lee's  Unite, 

Yankre  ro.edlr  Dandj^ 
As   patriots, ftUl  maintain  o 
Doodle  Pa.f>dy  <i 


A  t  »tidwf  PtxihtT*' let  us  be* 

-  *« Wle    Adam*  guldr*  the.  nation  . 

jn  t  *rry    fitualion  .       , 

Doodle  guard  your  eoa(t.t 

Doodle   Handy-       • 

Frar  not  then  n«r  threat  or  hoaftt 


Great  Wafhiiigton^who  Ied.u5  on. 

And  liberty  effected, 
Rb*ll  ft-e  well  die,or  el(e  be  fret 
'-      V-e  will  not  be  fublected. 
Yankee   rooHlc,  guard  y<»r «*' •' 

"Vinkee  'Poodle   i?a.ndj 
•  fr~*r  not  theii  nir  ftr? at 
Yankee  Boo'He 

May  foon  the  wifh'd* for  Uur  arrive 

When  IVace.  fhalS'r»iie -|fc«  'i^J0" 

And  Commerce  free  F-OTR  Hiw-* ,  prove 


... 
..Yankee'-  ljoo&e~Yahdy •.{ 

Benetih  the  pig  tt««^  tfc?  ,  - 


IDN,   PUBLISHED   BETWEEN   1798  AND   1803. 


200 


201 


202 


PRESIDED 


PLATE  XI.— FROM  SHAW  AND  Ci 


203 


S    MARCH 


|»  "GENTLEMAN'S  AMUSEMENT.' 


206 


207 


• 
<  \ 


•209 


210 


211 


21* 


213 


214 


The  return  of  ULYSSES  to  ITHACA 


Allcgr 


=pA_jL    I    fim  f   f   i   £j»    «    -    i-f 

idjiir^ga^jggplii 


JJL;  i 


p 


V-lyf-fes      and  thofc  chiefs  who    .    out   of    near    a 


/O.'    \,     K   {••"•/•"I 

—  J  «  

1                         » 

i                       ?* 

1  «  —  •  —  i  —  _I  — 

11  —  1 

i     •            [ 

1         "                             ••        -1 

mil-lion    So      luck-i  -  ly  their     b;L-con  favd  be — fore  the  walls    of 

J  *M"^BVBUM>_I___.__ 


i 


£E 


:v 


v— I 


.  11    -ion         Yankee    doodle         doodle       doo  black       Negro      he       get 


P^  —  i 

i  —  n 

•  ••i-geag^ 

,  , 

_. 

1          1     """I 

,  —  • 

-« 

*    • 

L-^-- 

1            • 

— 

4~ 

"~i  

fum  -  bo  And  when  you  come  fo         our    town    well  make  you  drink  with 


U' 


i 


PLATES  XIV-XV.— FROM  CHARLE 


215 


bumbo 


/31T] 



p-H 

*-- 

p___^ 

P—  j 

f 

if**"" 

•  

U  J    .'iii'     — 

V  — 

«- 

=S1 

Lj-J 

—  _J 

—  •  —  •  r|p  1  :  

.    2        ''-*- 

having  taken  fackd  and  burnt  that  v«ry  firft  of  Cities, 
.  R«>tum*d  in  triumph  while  the  Bafds»  all  ftruck  up  ainorous  ditties. 
.  Such  a  Yankee  doodle  &c« 

.The  Cyclops  firft  we  vifsted,  Ulyfsea  nuade  him  cry  out, 
;    -For  he  eat  his  mutton,drank  his  wine*  and  then     he  |M>k'd  his  cy*  out, 

Vanti^t»  dnotlV  fee. 


4 


.From  thence  we  went  to  Circe's  land,  Who  faith  a  girl  of  (punk  is^ 
For  (he  made  us  drunk,  an  chan^d  us  all  to  afce*    goats  arid  monkies, 
Yankee  doodle  &c  . 

And  then  to  hell  and  hark  again,  then     v,to*  the   Syrens     Cara 
Swell  cadence,  tri'l  and  fhake.almoA  as  well  as  Mafcaitt  Mara. 
Yankee  doodle  &c  . 

6 

.To  full  Charybdis  next,  and  then  where  yawning  Scyll 
-Six  men  at  once    and  eats   them  all,juft  like  fo  many   apples. 
Yankee  doodle  &c» 

* 

7 

.From  thence  to  where  Appollos  bulls  and  iheep  all  play  an,     Up  fo, 
.from  whence  Vlyfscs  went  alone  to  the  lOand  of  Calypfo. 
.    —  •    Yankee  doodle  &c  .  , 

$ 

And  there  Sic  kifs'd  and'toy'd  and  play'd,tis  true  upon  my  1 
Till  having  turn'd  his  miftrcfs  off    he's  coming  to  his  i 
Yankee  doodle  doodle  doo  black  Negro  he  get  fumbo, 
And  when  you  come  to  our  town,we*ll  make  you  drunk 


IBDIN'S  "MUSICAL  TOUR,"   1788. 


216 


217 


•Jls 


Lut,  i>y,    ll:.!i!n>),   thwack    und   hn-n^,     l'-;..iin..|    ><>,,,  .nul 


r  r 


r.  i1. 


.S    M..A 
-r:y_: 


i 

OKI    liul*   ' 
K»cr  tric-k  yei 

i         .lia>\    (i«i!, 
Tlicu  wliy  fliniiM  jn-i,  t'"r   in;, 

\\ilh  i«f  at   tuo  de\il.' 
Cr-if«y,  ruft),   llor 

Did    [   c^r   ti   <  k  ycf 
Fufty,  mutty,  tut  ;\  me  otii/ 
Oh,  poor,   civil  nuky.' 


PLATE  XVI.— FROM  DR.  ARNOLI 


•fit.     R  DH  I  \. 


VASK.KK  DOOIX.K. 
DH  RV  DITTO. 


frtifty. 


I  \oi:r  manners,  Soinchody  will  ! 


iiinpy,    fttunpy,    nwke   you  mump,    Kick    u_bout     >our      rump— () 


3. 
A    receipt    I'll  give, 

But  as  I  live, 
'I'd  rather  give  him  bi»<vs,  Sir. 

At  St.  Giles 'i  he  wa*  bred, 
Ahrto'  he  wears  good   c  I  oaths,  Sir 
Noodle,  doodle,  ugly  tnuiiv. 

Here's  a  pretty  rig,J»ir. 
'^''SS51'*'  piftols,  fwords,  and 
Oh!  I'll  hop  the  twi^S'""- 


219 


PERA   "TWO  TO  ONE,"    1784. 


221 


222 


PLATE  XVII.— FROM  JAMI 


223 


RD'S  "SELECTION,"   1782. 


225 


226 


3& 


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I'll, 


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~*jir 


at 


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To 


PLATE  XVIII.— FROM  "Wl 


227 


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.....        ... 


i~f*f -  — i  r  jr~r~  (*'"  T  j-  !*•  *•-  —  •M-**—-*— *-. 

jTr:  r   l£tf4^brga=cpr:fc:: 
•^xrpr^Tz  ±il_Jitdb^.^>^_±^^r  JL...- 


ER  PERKINS1  BOOK  1790." 


228 


230 


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^ssifeaag  -ii 


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PUkTE  XIX.— FROM  A  MSS.  COLLECTION  ATTACHED  TO  AN  INCOMPLETE  CC 


231 


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)F  THOMAS  WALTER'S  "GROUNDS  AND  RULES  OF  MUSICK,"   BOSTON,    1760. 


232 


234 


235 


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248 


INDEX. 


A.,  W.  S.,  90. 

Abercrombie,  General,  96,  154,  155. 

Adams,  John,  46,  52,  69. 

"Adams  and  Liberty,"  24,  25,  26,  40,  45. 

Aiken,  W.  EL,  41,  71,  73. 

Aird,  James,  106,  120. 

Albany  Register,  152. 

Albany  Statesman,  96,  152. 

Alderman,  L.  A.,  83. 

"All  the  Way  to  Galway,"  106,  146-150. 

"Altpreussiches  Rondo,"  72. 

"America,"  73-78. 

Additional  stanzas,  73. 

Author,  73. 

Autographs,  73-75. 

Bibliographical  notes,  157-160. 

Differences  in  text  and  music,  73-75. 

Facsimiles,  73,  74. 

First  sung,  75-76. 

God  save  the  King,  75,  77,  78. 

Origin,  75-76. 

Original  text,  74. 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  135. 
American  musical  miscellany,  25,  77. 
American  origin  of  "Yankee   Doodle," 

100,  128-142,  150-156. 
American  Songster  (1800),  25. 
American  Naval  and  Patriotic  Songster, 

28. 

American  Republican  Harmonist,  25. 
American  Songster,  New  York,  28. 
Amherst,  General,  96,  153. 
"Anacreon  a  poet,"  23. 
Anacreontic  Society,  18-20. 
Anburey,  82,  85,  109. 
"And  now  our  Senators  are  gone,"  121. 
Arne,  Th.  Aug.,  104,  106,  108,  120. 
Arnold,  Samuel,  18,  19,  23,  120. 
Baker,  W.  S.,  53,  62,  63. 
Baltimore  Musical  Miscellany,  26,  40. 
Bangs,  Edward,  140-142. 
Barton,  Andrew,  110. 


S54SO— O9- 


-12 


Barton,  E.  M.,  35. 

"Battle  of  the  Poets,"  95. 

Beanes,  Dr.  and  the  St.  Sp.  B.,  8-11. 

Bell,  W.,  92. 

Bellisle  march,  125. 

"Best  exchange,"  143. 

Bibliographical  notes,  157-164. 

"Bird  of  Birds,"  28. 

Biscay  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  101, 

107,  111. 

"Blackbird,"  135,  138-140. 
Bordes,  C.,  111. 
"Boston  Patriotic  Song."    See  "Adams 

and  liberty." 
Boyle,  C.  A.,  41,  71,  73. 
"Brave  Sons  of  Columbia,"  25. 
Breck,  Samuel,  129. 
Brinton,  H.  F.,  54. 
"British  Grenadiers,"  125. 
British  origin  of  song  "Yankee  Doodle," 

96,  99,  103,  105,  107,  110,  128-142. 
"Brother  Ephraim  sold  his  cow,"  131, 133. 
"Buckskin,"  82. 

Burgh's  anecdotes  of  music,  102,  118. 
C.,  J.,  50,  54,  63,  102,  118. 
Ca  ira,  68. 
Calliope,  22. 
Capron,  H.,  69. 

" Captain  Gooding,"  135,  137,  141. 
"Captain  Davis,"  135,  141. 
"Captain  Goodwin,"  135,  137,  141. 
"Captain  Washington,"  135,  141. 
Carmagnole,  68. 
Carr,  Benj.,  46,  68,  121. 
Carr,  Joseph,  47,  121. 
Carter,  N.  H.,  152. 
Chamberlain,  J.  D.,  83. 
Chappell,  William,  18. 
Charles  I  and  II  and  Yankee  Doodle,  100, 

101,  107,  144-115. 
Cherokee  origin  of  the  word  "Yankee," 

85. 

249 


L>f>0 


Index. 


Chetwood,  94. 

"Chonifl,  Bung  before  General  Washing- 
ton," 63-66. 

Cist,  L.  J.,  35. 

Columbian  Anacreontic  Society,  24. 

Columbian  songster  (1797),  25;  (1799),  25. 

"Columbians  all  the  present  hour,"  122. 

"Columbians  arise,"  26. 

"Come  all  ye  sons  of  song,"  77. 

"Compleat  Tutor  for  the  Fife,"  67,  122. 

"Congress,  the,"  144. 

Connel,  22. 

Coverly,  Jr.,  N.,  138. 

Cromwell  and  Yankee  Doodle,  97,  100, 
101,  103,  114-115. 

Cummingham,  Wm.,  125. 

Cummings,  Wm.,  20. 

Custis,  G.  W.  P.,  50,  54,  61-62. 

" Dans  votre  lit,"  51. 

Danza  Esparta,  102,  111. 

Dawes,  Judge,  140. 

Dawes,  Th.,  77. 

Dawson's  Hist.  Mag.,  49,  50. 

"Death  or  liberty."    See  Hail  Columbia. 

Deane,  Silas,  82. 

"Defence  of  Fort  McHenry."  See  "Star- 
Spangled  Banner." 

"D'Estaing  eclipsed,  or  Yankee  Doodle's 
defeat,"  126,  127. 

Dibdin's  Return  of  Ulisses,  119. 

Dibdin's  songs  (1799),  25. 

"Did  little  Dickey,"  104,  108,  120. 

Dielman,  L.  H.,  29-30. 

"Disappointment,  the,"  110. 

Dobbin,  R.  A.,  34. 

Doodle,  derivation  of  the  word,  89-94. 

"  Doodle  doo,"  143-145. 

Dorsey,  A.  H.,  10. 

Douw,  Mrs.  V.  P.,  154. 

Drummond,  56. 

Dunlap,  Wm.,  49. 

Durang  (Charles  and  Ferdinand),  11-17, 
33,  49,  59. 

Dutch  origin  of  the  song  "Yankee  Doo- 
dle," 100,  107,  111-113. 

Dutch  origin  of  the  words  "Yankee  Doo- 
dle," 91-93. 

Dutch  Yanky,  93. 

Duyckinck,  100,  111. 

Duyse,  Van,  113. 

"Early  one  morning,"  140. 

Ebsworth,  T.  W.,  114. 

Edes,  Benj.,  11-12,  13,  16. 


Ebon,  Louis  C.,  15,  22,  46,  64,  58,  70,  78, 

91,  104,  109,  112,  122,  164. 
"Embargo  and  peace,"  26. 
Emerick,  A.  G.,  49. 
"Ev'ry where  fine  ladies  flirting,"  143. 
Eyster,  Mrs.  Nellie,  13. 
Ezpata  dantza,  111. 
F.,  J.  T.,  84. 
"Farmer  (The)  and  his  sons'  return  from 

a  visit  to  the  camp,"  135,  141. 
Farmer  &  Moore,  96,  133,  135,  150-156. 
Farnsworth,  C.  H.,  41,  71,  73. 
"Father  and  I  went  down  (up)  to  camp," 

100,  104,  134-142. 
Father's  return  from  camp,  104. 
Fayles.    See  Phile,  Philipp. 
"Federal  March, "68. 
"Federal  Overture,"  68. 
Federal  song  for  the  anniversary  of  Ameri- 
can independence,  49. 
Ferris,  Mary  L.  D.,  35,  53,  69,  74,  75,  153. 
Feyles.    See  Phile,  Philipp. 
Fielding,  H.,  94. 
Fisher,  Lydia  (Kitty),  97,  100,  101,  103, 

108,  115-117. 

Fisher's  jig,  101,  103,  117-118. 
Fiske,  108. 
Flood,  W.  H.  Grattan,  18,  19,  20,  22,  106, 

119,  139,  146-150. 
"For  the  Fourth  of  July,"  26. 
"For  worms  when  old,"  26. 
Ford,  John,  94. 
Ford,  P.  L.,  62. 
Ford,  W.  C.,  135. 
Foster,  William,  25. 
"Fourth  of  July, "26. 
Fox,  Gilbert,  44,  46,  47. 
"Freedom,"  26. 
"From  meanness  first,"  81. 
Fyles.    See  Phile,  Philipp. 
G.,  G.  A.,  115. 
G.,  M.  N.,  87. 

Gantvoort,  A.  J.,  41,  71,  73. 
"General  Washington's  March,"  122. 
"Gentleman's  Amusement,"  66. 
Gerald,  8.  J.  A.  Fitz,  63. 
Glen,  120. 

"God  Save  America,"  77. 
"God  save  each  female's  right,"  77. 
"God  save  George  Washington,"  77. 
"God  save  the  King,"  75,  77,  78,  125, 

157-160. 
"God  save  the  President,"  77. 


Index. 


251 


"God  save  the  Thirteen  States,"  77. 
Gordon,  Wm.,  82,  84,  95,  133. 
Gow,  149. 

Graupner,  Gottlieb,  122. 
Greek  origin  of  the  words  "Yankee  Doo- 
dle," 94. 

Griffin,  A.  P.  C.,  73. 
Griswold,  Rufus  W.,  43. 
Grove's  Dictionary,  18,  19,  78,  104,  114, 

118. 

H.,  B.  H.,  81,  89. 
"Hail  Columbia,"  43-72. 

Author.    See  Hopkinson,  Jos. 

Autographs,  69-70. 

Bibliographical  Notes,  157-158,  160. 

Composer.    See   Phile,    Philip,   and 
Philip  Roth. 

Differences  in  text  and  music,  69-72. 

Early  editions,  46-47. 

Facsimiles,  46,  160. 

First  sung,  44. 

Forerunners,  48-49. 

Melody.     See  "President's  March." 

Origin,  43. 

Original     manuscripts.    See     Auto- 
graphs. 

Popularity,  early,  44-47. 
Hale,  Edward  E.,  76,  140. 
Hamilton,  Sir  F.  W.,  113. 
Hancock,  John,  98,  129,  130. 
Hancock,  Madame,  129,  130. 
Hankey,  Sir  Richard,  18,  24. 
Harding,  17. 

"Hark,  the  Trumpet  of  War,"  26. 
Hastings,  Jonathan,  84. 
Heckewelder,  86-89. 
Hendon,  13,  15. 
Henkel,  S.  V.,  35,  69. 
"Here  you  may  see  the  happy  congress," 

144. 

Hero  (the),  125. 
"Hessian  Minuet,"  125. 
Hessian  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"  106, 

107,  110,  111. 
Hewitt,  James,  122. 
Hildebrand,  69. 
Hogg,  139,  148. 
Holden,  Mrs.  Austin,  124. 
Holmes,  O.  W.,  39. 
Hopkinson,  Francis,  48,  50. 
Hopkinson,  Joseph,  43,  46,  47,  48,  53,  69. 
Howard,  Mrs.  Charles,  34. 
Howe,  Wm.,  47. 
Howell,  Richard,  63,  64. 


Hubach,  Otto,  72. 

Hulbert,  J.,  124. 

Hungarian  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle," 

102,  107,  111. 
Hutchinson,  87. 

"In  Years  which  are  Past,"  25. 
Indian  origin  of  the  word   "Yankee," 

85-89. 
Irish  origin  of  "Yankee  Doodle,"   106, 

146-150. 

Irving,  Washington,  86. 
"Jefferson  and  Liberty,"  25. 
"Jefferson's  Election,"  26. 
Jepson,  B.,  41,  71,  73. 
Johnson,  Sir  William,  150-156. 
Keim,  George,  33,  34,  35,  69. 
Kennedy  and  Bliss,  33. 
Key,  Francis  Scott.    See  "Star-Spangled 

Banner;"  own  account  of  origin,  8-10. 
Kidson,  F.,  18,  22,  78,  106,  114,  118,  120, 

125,  127,  145,  147,  149. 
"Kitty  Fisher's  Jig,"  101,  103,  108,  117- 

118. 

Kobbe,  73,  76,  105. 
Kossuth,  102,  111. 
L.,  T. 
Lincolnshire  origin  of  the  word  Yankee, 

91. 

Leigh,  H.,  101. 
Lewalter,  106,  107,  111. 
Lexington,     Battle     of,     and     "Yankee 

Doodle,"  109. 

"Lo!  I  quit  my  native  skies,"  47. 
Lossing,  B.  A.,  34,  50,  52,  99,  102. 
"Lovely  Nancy,"  125. 
"Low  song  upon  a  high  subject,"  143. 
Lucy  Locket  (Lockit),  97,  98,  100,  103, 

115. 

Lydenburg,  151. 
Lydia  Locket,  97,  98,  115. 
Macaroni,  origin  of  the  word,  126, 127-129. 
McCarty,  49. 
McFarland,  Paddy,  13. 
McKoy,  Wm.,  50,  54,  57,  58. 
McLaughlin,  J.  Fairfax,  18. 
McLaughlin-Gilchrist,  41,  71,  73. 
M'Lean,  J.,  55. 
McMaster,  J.  B.,  52. 
Mahar,  James,  35. 
"Maid's  (The)  Lamentation,"  139. 
"Marblehead's  a  rocky  place,"  134. 
Marseillaise,  68. 

"Martial  Music  of  Camp  Dupont,"  123. 
Mason,  Lowell,  75,  76. 


252 


Index. 


"Masonic  Ode,"  22. 

Matthews,  Albert,  80,  81,  94,  99,  104,  105, 
118,  127,  128,  130,  135,  138,  141,  143, 
152,  154.. 

Mead,  D.*76. 

Moller,  J.  C.,  69. 

Moncrieff,  M.  T.,  102,  113. 

Montgomerie,  Major,  114. 

Mooney,  James,  85,  89. 

Moore,  G.  M.,  80,  93,  105,  129,  130. 

Morier,  J.,  91. 

Mulso,  19. 

"Musical  Repository,"  26. 

Najaf  Koolie  Merza,  90. 

"Nancy  Dawson,"  97,  115. 

"Nankee  Doodle,"  97,  98,  114. 

Nason,  E.,  52,  91. 

National  Song  Book,  26,  47,  49. 

National  Songster  (1814),  30. 

New  American  Songster,  28. 

"New  Constitutional  March,"  68. 

"New  Federal  song."  See  " Hail  Colum- 
bia." 

"New  Hail  Columbia,"  47. 

"New  Yankee  Doodle,"  122. 

"New  York  Federal  song,"  46. 

New  York  Remembrancer,  25. 

Nicholson,  J.  H.,  11,  17,  30,  31,  32. 

"Nightingale,"  25. 

Nile,  H.,  153. 

"No  more  shall  tyrants  here,"  74. 

Nonsense  rhymes  and  Yankee  Doodle, 
112. 

Norwegian  origin  of  Yankee,  91. 

"Not  the  fictions  of  Greece,"  25. 

"Now  let  rich  music  sound,"  77. 

"0!  how  joyful  shall  I  be,"  110. 

"0,  say  can  you  see."  See  Star-Spangled 
Banner. 

O'Callaghan,  150,  152. 

O'Neill,  Francis,  147,  150. 

"Ode  for  the  Fourth  of  July,"  77. 

"Of  the  victory  won,"  26. 

Omrod,  J.,  47. 

"Oppression,"  81. 

Oriental  origin  of  the  words  Yankee 
Doodle,  89-91. 

Oswald,  149. 

Otway,  T.,  94. 

"Our  joyful  hearts  to-day,"  73. 

"Our  country's  efficiency,"  25. 

"O'er  the  forest, "26. 

Paine,  Thomas  (Robert  Treat),  24,  25. 

Parke,  W.  T.,  18. 


"Pauwel  Jonas,"  113. 

Persian  origin  of  the  words  "Yankee  Doo- 
dle," 89-91. 

Petersfield,  127. 

Petrie,  147. 

Pfalz.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Pfyle.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Pfyles.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Phazles.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Pheil.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Phile,  Philip  (Fyles,  Pfeil,  Phyla,  etc.), 
49-52,  53-54,  55,  56,  57,  58-«l  (bio- 
graphical notes),  62,  63,  65,  66,  68-69 
(proof  as  composer  of  the  President's 
March). 

Phyla.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Phyles.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Phylo.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Phylz.    See  Phile,  Philip. 

Popularity  (early)  of  Yankee  Doodle  in 
America,  108-110. 

Person  junior,  94. 

Portsmouth  Yankee,  81. 

Poynton,  Thomas,  126,  127. 

Pre-revolutionary  origin  of  song  Yankee 
Doodle,  96,  97,  99,  101,  107,  108,  114, 
115,  128-142,  150-156. 

Preble,  Enoch,  126. 

Preble,  G.  H.,  13, 14,  28,  29-30,  33,  34-39, 
52,  69,  75,  104,  120,  126. 

President's  March,  44,  45,  46,  47,  48. 
Composer.    See    Philip    Phile    and 

Philip  Roth. 
Early  editions,  66-70. 
Facsimiles. 

First  mentioned  in  print,  68. 
History,  49-69. 
Prussian  march,  72. 

Prince  Eugene's  march,  125. 

Ravenscroft,  E.,  94,  144. 

"Recess,  The,"  121. 

Reinagle,  A.,  59,  63-65. 

"Return  (The)  of  Ulisses  to  Ithaca,"  119. 

Revolutionary  origin  of  song  "Yankee 
Doodle,"  95,  96,  98,  100,  107. 

"Rights  of  woman,"  77. 

Rimbault,  101,  103,  115,  117-118,  126. 

Ripley-Tapper,  41,  71,  73. 

Ritchie,  jr.,  John,  127,  131. 

Roat.    See  Roth,  Philip. 

Robinson,  Alvan,  124. 

Rogers  collection  of  autograph  letters, 
35,69. 

Rome  excis'd,  95. 

Roots,  Philip.    See  Roth. 


Index. 


253 


Roth,   Philip    (Johann),   50,   52,  54,  55, 

56-58,  69. 

"  Roundheads  and  the  Cavaliers,"  97, 114. 
"Royal  love  song,"  143. 
"Rule  Britannia,"  49. 
Russell,  Lt.  Col.,  117. 
S,  F.  B.  N.,  100,  140. 
S,  G.  W.  V.,  93. 
Sabin,  110. 

Saffell,  W.  T.  R.,  48,  51. 
Salf,  91. 

Salisbury,  S.,  18,  24,  25,  52. 
Sands,  Samuel,  11,  15,  31. 
Saratoga  and  "Yankee  Doodle,"  109. 
"Scaramouch  a  philosopher,"  144. 
Scheurleer,  D.  F.,  93,  113. 
Schmidt,  John  Henry,  121. 
Scotch  origin  of  the  word  Yankee,  91. 
"See  me  just  arrived  from  Francee,"  143. 
"Seventh  star,"  29. 
Shackburg.    See  Shuckburgh. 
Shaw  and  Carr,  66,  121. 
Shaw's  Flute  Preceptor,  67. 
Shippen,  Mrs.  R.  L.,  17,  30-32. 
Shirley,  J.  B.,  41,  71,  73. 
Shuckburgh,  Richard,  97,  104,  108,  130, 

150-156. 
Sicard,  68. 

Siefert,  H.  O.,  41,  71,  73. 
"Sing  Yankee  Doodle,"  79. 
Skillern,  Thomas,  127,  131. 
Smith,  Buckingham,  102,  111. 
Smith,  E.,  41,  71,  73. 
Smith's  F.  S.  Key;  account  of  the  St.  Sp. 

B.,  11. 
Smith,  John  Christopher,  102,  108,  118- 

119. 

Smith,  John  Stafford,  20,  22,  23,  40. 
Smith,  Nicholas,  54. 
Smith,  Samuel  F.    See  America. 
Smollett,  93. 

"Sonata  sung  .  .  .  1789,"  63. 
Songster's  Companion,  28. 
Songster's  Magazine,  28. 
Songster's  Miscellany,  28. 
Songster's  Museum,  28,  79. 
"Sons  of  Columbia."     See  Adams  and 

Liberty,  26. 

Sousa,  J.  P.,  36,  41,  53,  72,  123. 
"Spain,"  25. 
"Spanish  gypsy,"  144. 
Spofford,  A.  R.,  36. 
Spowers,  George,  38,  39. 
Squire,  Wm.  B.,  18,  20,  104, 118, 119,  120, 

126. 


Stanfield,  J.  F.,  25. 

"Star  Spangled  Banner,"  song  collection, 

(Wilmington,  1816),  28. 
Star  Spangled  Banner,  7^2. 

Additional  stanzas,  38-39. 

Air     of.    See     "To     Anacreon     in 
Heaven." 

Autographs,  Key's  of,  12,  17,  31-38. 

Baltimore  American,   1814  account, 
8,  14. 

Bibliographical  notes,  157-158,  160- 
162. 

Broadsides  early,  11,  12,  13,  17,  28, 
29,  30,  31,  37,  38. 

Chappell,  W.,  18. 

Composer,  20,  22,  23. 

Differences  in  melody,  38-42;  in  text, 
36-38. 

Durang    (Charles    and    Ferdinand), 
11-17,  33. 

Early   appearances   in   song   collec- 
tions, 28,  29,  30. 

Edes,  Benj.,  11-12,  16,  17. 

Eyster,  Mrs.  Nellie. 

Facsimiles,  29,  32-35,  39. 

First  accounts  of,  7-12. 

First  printed,  10-12,  16. 

First  sung,  11-17. 

First  text,  37. 

Harding,  17. 

Hendon's  account,  13,  15. 

McFarland,  Paddy,  13. 

McLaughlin,  J.  F.,  18. 

Melody  of.    See   "To  Anacreon  in 
Heaven." 

Nicholson,  Judge,  11,  17,  30,  31,  32. 

Origin  of,  7-10. 

Original      manuscript.    See     Auto- 
graphs. 

Popularity,  early,  28. 

Preble,  G.  H.,  13, 14,  28,  29,  30,  33-39. 

Salisbury,  S.,  18,  24. 

Sands,  Samuel,  11,  15,  31. 

Shippen,  Mrs.  R.  L.,  17,  30-32. 

Smith,  John  Stafford,  20,  22,  23. 

Smith's,  F.  S.  Key,  account,  11. 

Taney's  account  of,  8-10,  17,  32. 

"To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  13,  17-28. 

Tune    of.    See    "To    Anacreon    in 
Heaven." 

Warner's,  J.  L.,  account,  12,  13,  16. 
Stevens,  G.  A.,  143,  145. 
Stevenson,  E.  I.,  53. 
T.,  J.  H. 
Taney,  R.  B.,  8-10,  17,  32. 


L>f>4 


Index. 


Taylor,  Raynor,  123. 

"Temple  of  Minerva,"  48. 

Thacher,  James,  82,  96,  99,  109. 

Thayer,  A.  W.,  123. 

"The  Frenchman  came  upon  the  coast," 

143. 

"The  genius  of  France,"  25. 
"There  is  a  man  in  our  town,"  105,  130. 
Thomas,  Isaiah,  100,  138. 
Thompson,  C.  and  S.,  127. 
Thomson's  country  dances,  103. 
Tolman,  F.  L.,  153. 
Thyla.    See  Phile,  Philipp. 
Ticknor,  G.,  91. 
"To  Anacreon  in  Heaven,"  13,  14, 17-28. 

America,  frequency  in,  24-28. 

Author  of  words,  20. 

Composer  of,  18,  22-23. 

Editions,  early,  20-23. 

Facsimiles. 

History  of,  18-24. 

Words,  21. 

"To  Columbia,  who  gladly,"  25,  26. 
"To  old  Hiram,"  22. 
"To  the  gods  who  preside,"  25. 
Tomlinson,  Ralph,  20,  21. 
"Trip  to  Halifax,"  125. 
Trumball,  John,  87,  109. 
"Two  to  one,"  106,  120. 
Tyler,  Royall,  133-135,  143. 
"Uncle  Sam,"  136. 
"Union  and  liberty,"  26. 
"Union  of  the  gods,"  25,  26. 
Van  Rensselaer,  96,  150,  153,  154. 
Vocal  companion,  Phila.,  1796,  24;  Bos- 
ton, 1802,  25. 
Vocal  enchantress,  22,  40. 
Vocal  magazine  (1778),  21. 
Vocal  magazine  (1797),  22. 
W.,  T.  H.,  100. 

Walsh's  collection  of  dances,  101, 117-118. 
Walters,  Henry,  30-33,  37. 
Ward,  E.,  94. 
Warner,  J.  L.,  12,  13,  16. 
Warren,  Dr.  Joseph,  132,  133. 
Washington,  George,  46,  49, 50,  51,  52,  53, 
57,  61,  64,  65,  66,  68,  69,  100,  135,  140, 
141. 

Washington,  Mrs.  George,  63. 
"Washington  and  the  constitution,"  46. 
"Washington's  March,"  50,  53,  61,  122. 
Watson,  J.  W.,  97,  129. 
Webster,  87,  89,  90. 
"Welcome,  mighty  chief,"  63-65. 
"Well  met,  fellow-freemen,"  25,  26. 


Westcott,  T.,  99. 

Wheatley,  H.  B.,  128. 

"When  Bibo  went  down,"  26. 

"When  our  sky,"  26. 

"When  Yankies  skill'd  in  martial  rule," 

110. 

White,  R.  G.,  51. 
Whiting,  C.  E.,  41,  71,  73. 
"Whittier  Perkins'  book,"  124. 
"Wild  Irishman,"  125. 
"Will  ye  go  to  Sheriff  muir?"  148-149. 
Williams,  Roger,  88. 
Willig,  G.,  47,  67,  70,  121,  122. 
Wilson,  J.  J.,  26,  47,  49. 
Winslow,  Edward,  89. 
Winslow,  W.  C.,  76. 
"Witch  of  Edmonston,"  144. 
Wolfe,  James,  81. 

"World  turned  upside  down,"  109. 
Wyoming  Bard,  43. 
Yankee  Doodle,  68,  78,  79-156. 

"All  the  way  to  Galway,"  106. 

American  origin  of  song,   100,   107, 
128-142,  150-156. 

Analysis  of  different  theories,   107- 
156. 

Arne,  Dr.,  104,  108,  120. 

Author.    See  Origin. 

Bangs,  Edward,  author?,  140-142. 

Beethoven,  Ninth  symphony,  78. 

Bibliographical  notes,  157-158,  163- 
164. 

Biscay  origin,  101,  107,  111. 

British  origin  of  song,  96,  97,  98,  99, 
103,  105,  107,  110,  128-142. 

Broadsides,  100,  121,  135-142. 

Bunker  Hill,  82,  100,  109. 

Cape  Breton,  130-133. 

Charles  I  and  II,  100,  101,  107,  114- 
115. 

Characteristics  of,  79. 

Chorus  refrain,  110,  123,  142-145. 

Composite  tune?,  125. 

Cromwell  and  Yankee  Doodle,  97, 
101, 103,  107,  114-115. 

Danza  Esparta,  102,  107,  111. 

Differences  in  text  or  music,   120, 
122-125,  128-142. 

"  Doodle  doo,"  143-145. 

Dutch  origin  of  the  song,  100,  107, 
111-113. 

Dutch  origin  of  the  words,  91-93. 

Early  use  in  America,  108-110,  115- 
117. 


In  d  e  x. 


255 


Yankee  Doodle — Continued. 

Early  versions  (printed  and   mss.), 

106,  110,  120,  121,  122-125,  129-142. 
English  origin  of  the  words,    94-95, 

107. 

Etymology,  82-95. 
Facsimiles,  122. 
Farmer's  (The)  and  his  son's  return 

from  a  visit  to  the  camp,  141. 
Father  and  I  went  down  to  camp,  100, 

104,  134-142. 
Fis(c)her,  Lydia  (Kitty),  97, 101, 103, 

108,  115-116. 

Fife-major,  Grenadier  guards,  102,113. 
Genealogy  of  accounts  of  origin,  95- 

107. 

Greek  origin  of  the  words,  94. 
Hastings,  Jonathan,  84. 
Hessian  origin,  106,  107,  111. 
Hungarian  origin,  102,  107,  111. 
Indian  origin  of  the  word  Yankee, 

85-89. 

Irish  origin,  106,  146-150. 
Lancashire  hornpipe?,  144. 
Lincolnshire  origin  of  "Yankee,"  91. 
Literature,  early  use  of  the  words  in 

English,  94-95. 
Locket  (Lockit),  Lydia  (Lucy),  97, 

98,  100,  103,  115. 
"Macaroni"  in  connection  with,  126, 

127-129. 
Matthews,  Alb.,  80, 81, 94, 99, 104, 105, 

118, 127, 128, 130, 135, 138, 141, 143, 

152,  154. 

Modern  music,  use  of,  in,  79. 
Moore,  G.  H.,  80. 

Nickname  for  New  Englanders,  80-82. 
Norwegian  origin  of  Yankee,  91. 
Nursery  rhyme,  115. 
Objections  to,  80. 

Oriental  origin  of  the  words,  89-91. 
Origin  of  song,  different  accounts,  95- 

107. 

The  same  analyzed,  107-156. 
Origin  of  the  words,   128-142.     (See 

also  words  sung  to  the  air.) 
Persian  origin  of  the  words,  89-91. 
Popularity  (early)  in  America,  108- 

110. 
Pre-revolutionary  origin,  96,  97,  99, 

100,  101,  105,  107,  108,  110, 114-115, 

128-142. 


Yankee  Doodle — Continued. 

Revolutionary  origin  of  song,  95,  96, 

99,  100,  107,  128-142. 
Roundheads  and  the  Cavaliers,  97, 

114. 

Savoyard  song?,  113. 
Scotch  origin  of  the  word  "Yankee," 

91. 
Schuckburgh,  Richard,  97,  105,  108, 

130, 150-156. 

"There  is  a  man  in  our  town,  "  105. 
Thompson  country  dances,  103,  117- 

118. 
Tyler,   Royall  (The  Contrast),   133- 

135,  143. 

Ulysses  (Smith's),  102,  108,  118-119. 
Use  (early),  108-110. 
Walsh's  coll.  of  dances,  101,  117-118. 
"Will  ye  go  to  Sheriff  Muir,"  148-149. 
Words  sung  to  the  air,  97,  98,  99,  100, 

105,   110,   119,   120,   122,   123,   125, 

126,  128-142. 
"Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town,"  98, 

100,  103,  105,  114,  125,  129-142. 
Yankee's    (Yankey's)    return    from 

camp,  135-138. 
"Yankee  Doodle  came  to  town,"  98,  100, 

103,  105,  114,  125,  129-142. 
"Yankee  Doodle  do,"  143-145. 
"Yankee  Doodle  is  the  tune,"  79. 
"Yankee  Doodle  keep  it  up,"  142-145. 
"Yankee     Doodle,     or    the     Lexington 

March,"  126,  131-133. 
"Yankee  Doodle,  or  the  Negroes  farewell 

to  America,"  126. 
"Yankee  Doodle's  expedition  to  Rhode 

Island,"  143. 
Yankee  King,  129,  130. 
"Yanker  didel,  doodel  down,"  100,  112. 
Yankey  Hastings,  84. 
Yankoo,  83. 
Yates,  R.,  81. 

"Ye  friends  to  this  auspicious  day,"  49. 
"Ye  mortals  whom  trouble,"  23. 
"Ye  sluggards  who  murder,"  56. 
"Ye  sons  of    Columbia."     See  "Adams 

and  liberty." 
Yengee  Duniah,  90,  91. 
Yengees,  86. 

Yorktown,  Yankee  Doodle  played  at,  109. 
"Young  Bibo,"  26. 

"Younglings  fond  of  female  chaces,"  143. 
Zeiner,  E.  J.  A.,  41,  71,  73. 


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